告別演說
Farewell Address

(American Memory Collection, Library of Congress)

我們處理外國事務的最重要原則，就是在與它們發展商務關係時，儘量避免與它們發生政治聯繫。

喬治‧華盛頓(1732一1799)在領導革命軍取得勝利並主持了成功的制憲會議之後，毫無異議地被選為新國家的第一任總統。他勉強接受第二任四年的任期，但他拒絕連任第三任。在一個還是由國王、世襲酋長和小暴君們統治的世界裏，華盛領作出放棄權力，讓給民選繼承人的決定表明美國的民主實驗有了一個良好的開端。

在1796年9月17日向他的內閣所發表的告別演說中，華盛頓提出以下忠告：一、反對地方主義的危險；二、反對政治派系之爭；三、保持宗教和道德作為「人類幸福之重要支柱」，並促進建立「普及知識的機構」；四、與其他國家保持中立關係。他對於捲入國外爭端的警告後來被稱為是「華盛頓的偉大法規」。直至第一次世界大戰為止，這條「偉大法規」一直是美國外交政策的主旨。

我們重新選舉一位公民來主持美國政府的行政工作已為期不遠了，實際上，現在已經到了必須運用你們的思想來考慮將此重任付託給誰的時候了。因此，我覺得我應當向大家表明，尤其是因為這樣做可能使得公眾意見表達得更明確，那就是我已下定決心，謝絕把我列為候選人……

政府的統一使大家結成一個民族，現在也為你們所珍視。各位理應如此，因為它是支撐你們真正獨立的主要支柱，也是保證你們國內安定、國外和平、安全、繁榮以及你們所珍惜的自由的基石。然而，不難預見，會有某些力量試圖削弱你們心裏對這個真理的信念，這些力量起因不一，來源各異，但均煞費苦心，千方百計地產生作用。其所以如此，是因為統一是你們政治堡壘中的一個攻擊重點，內外敵人的炮火，會不斷加緊(雖然常是隱蔽地和陰險地)攻擊。因此，當前最重要的是你們應當正確估量民族團結對於你們集體和個人幸福的巨大價值。對於它你們應當懷有誠摯的、一貫的和堅定不移的忠誠；你們在思想上和言談中應習慣於把它當作政治安定和繁榮的保護神，你們要小心翼翼地維護它。如果有人提到這種信念在某種情況下可以拋棄，即使那只是猜想，也不應當表示支援，如果有人企圖使我國的一部分脫離其餘部分，或想削弱現在聯繫各部份的神聖紐帶，只要他們一提出來，你們就應當予以怒斥。

你們有對此給予同情和關懷的一切理由。既然你們因出生或歸化而成為同一國家的公民，這個國家就有權集中你們的情感。美國人這個稱號是屬於你們這些有國民身份的人，這個稱號一定會提高你們愛國的光榮感，遠勝過任何地方性的稱號。你們之間除了極細微的差別之外，還有相同的宗教、禮議、習俗和政治原則。你們曾為了一個共同的目標而奮鬥，並共同獲得勝利。你們所擁有的獨立和自由，乃是你們群策群力，同甘苦、共患難的成果……

在研究那些可能擾亂我們聯邦的種種原因時，使人想到一件令人嚴重關切的事，即以種種理由使黨派具有地理差別的特徵──北方的和南方的，東部的和西部的──企圖這樣做的人可能力圖要借此造成一種信念，使人以為地方之間真的存在著利益和觀點的差異。一個黨派想在某些地區獲得影響而採取的功利手段之一，就是歪曲其他地區的觀點和目標。這種歪曲引起的妒忌和不滿，是防不勝防的，使那些本應親如兄弟的人變得互不相容……．

為了使你們的聯邦有效力，能持久，一個代表全體的政府是不可少的。各地區結成的聯盟，不論怎樣嚴密，都不能充分代表這樣的政府。這些聯盟必定會經歷古往今來所有聯盟都曾經歷過的背約和中斷盟約的遭遇。由於明白了這個重要的真理，所以你們在最初嘗試的基礎上進行改善，通過了一部勝過從前的政府憲法，以期密切聯合併更有效地管理大家的共同事務。這個政府是我們自己選擇的，不曾受人影響，不曾受人威脅，是經過全盤研究和深思熟慮而建立的，它的原則和它的權力分配是完全自由的，它把安全和活力結合在一起，而且本身就含有修正其自身的規定。這樣一個政府有充分的理由要求得到你們的信任和支援。尊重它的權威，服從它的法律，遵守它的規則，這些都是真正自由的基本準則所責成的義務。我們政治制度的基礎是人民有權制定和變更其政府的憲法。可是憲法在經全民採取明確和正式的行動加以修改之前，任何人都對之負有神聖的履行義務。人民有權力和權利來建立政府，可這一觀念是以每人有義務服從所建立的政府為前提的……..

要保存你們的政府，要永久維持你們現在的幸福，你們不僅應當不斷地反對那些不時發生的反對公認的政府的行為，而且對那種要更新政府原則的風氣，即使其藉口看似有理，也應謹慎地予以抵制。他們進攻的方法之一，可能是採取改變憲法的形式，以損害這種體制的活力，從而把不能直接推翻的東西，暗中加以破壞。在你們可能被邀參與的所有變革中，應當記住，要確定政府的真正性質就像確定其他人類機構的性質一樣，至少需要時間和習慣；應當記住，要檢驗一國現存政體的真正趨勢，經驗是最可靠的標準；應當記住，僅憑假設和意見便輕易變更，將會因假設和意見之無窮變化而招致無窮的變更；還要特別記住，在我們這樣遼闊的國度裏，要想有效地管理大家的共同利益，一個充滿活力並能充分保障自由的政府是必不可少的……

我已經告訴你們在這個國家裏存在著派系之爭的危險，並特別提到以地區差別來分黨立派的危險。現在讓我以更全面的角度，以最鄭重的態度告誡你們全面警惕派性的惡劣影響。不幸的是，這種派性與我們的本性是不可分割的，並紮根於人類思想裏最強烈的慾望之中。它以各種不同的形式存在於所有政府機構裏，儘管多少受到抑制、控制或約束；但那些常見的派性形式，往往是最令人厭惡的，而且確實是政府最危險的敵人…

它總是干擾公眾會議並削弱公眾的行政管理能力。它在社區裏煽起毫無根據的猜忌和莫須有的驚恐；挑撥一派與另一派對立；有時還鼓起騷亂和暴動。它還為外國影響和腐蝕打開方便之門，使之可輕易地通過派性的渠道深入到政府中來。這樣，一個國家的政策和意志就得受制於另一國家的政策和意志……

在導致政治昌盛的各種意向和習慣中，宗教和道德是必不可少的支柱。那種想竭力破壞人類幸福的偉大支柱──人類與公民職責的最堅強支柱──的人，卻妄想別人讚他愛國，必然是枉費心機。純粹的政治家應當同虔誠的人一樣，尊重並珍惜宗教和道德。它們與個人的和公眾的幸福之間的關係，即便寫一本書也說不完。我們只須簡單地問一句，如果宗教責任感不存在於法院藉以調查事件的誓言中，那麼那裡談得上財產、名譽和生命的安全呢?我們還應當告誡自己不要耽於幻想，以為道德可以不靠宗教維持。儘管高尚的教育對於特殊結構的心靈可能有所影響，但根據理智和經驗，不容許我們期望在排除宗教原則的情況下，國民道德仍能普遍存在。

說道德是一個民意所歸的政府所必需的原動力，這話實質上一點不錯。這條準則可或多或少地適用於每一種類型的自由政府。凡是自由政府的忠實朋友，對於足以動搖它組織基礎的企圖，誰能熟視無睹呢?因此，大家應當把促進發展普及知識的機構作為一個重要的目標。政府組織給輿論以力量，輿論也應相應地表現得更有見地，這是很重要的。

我們應當珍惜政府的財力，因為這是力量和安全的重要源泉。保存財力的辦法之一是儘量少動用它，並維護和平以避免意外開支；但也要記住，為了防患於未然而及時撥款，往往可以避免支付更大的款項來消災弭禍。我們同樣也要避免債台高築，為此，不僅要減少開支，而且在和平時期要儘量去償還不可避免的戰爭所帶來的債務，不可吝嗇摳搜，把我們自己應承受的負擔留給後代……

一個自由民族應當經常警覺，提防外國勢力的陰謀詭計(同胞們，我懇求你們相信我)，因為歷史和經驗證明，外國勢力乃是共和政府最致命的敵人之一。不過這種提防，要想做到有效，就必須不偏不倚，否則它會成為我們所要擺脫的勢力的工具，而不是抵禦那種勢力的工事。過度偏好某一國和過度偏惡另一國，都會使受到這種影響的國家只看到一方面的危險，而掩蓋甚至縱容另一方面所施的詭計。當我們所偏好的那個國家的爪牙和受他們蒙蔽的人，利用人民的讚賞和信任，而把人民的利益拱手出讓時，那些會抵制該國詭計的愛國志士，反而極易成為懷疑和憎惡的對象。

我們處理外國事務的最重要原則，就是在與它們發展商務關係時，儘量避免與它們發生政治聯繫。我們已訂的條約，必須忠實履行，但以此為限，不再增加。

歐洲有一套基本利益，這些利益對於我們毫無或極少關係。歐洲經常發生爭執，其原因基本上與我們毫不相干。因此，如果我們捲進歐洲事務，與他們的政治興衰人為地聯繫在一起，或與他們友好而結成同盟，或與他們敵對而發生衝突，都是不明智的。

我國獨處一方，遠離它國，這種地理位置允許並促使我們奉行一條不同的路線。如果我們在一個稱職的政府領導下，保持團結一致，那麼，在不久的將來，我們就可以不怕外來干擾所造成的物質破壞；我們就可以來取一種姿態，使我們在任何時候決心保持中立時，都可得到它國的嚴正尊重；好戰國家不能從我們這裏獲得好處時，也不敢輕易冒險向我們挑釁；我們可以在正義的指引下，依照自己的利益，在和平和戰爭問題上作出自己的抉擇。

我們為什麼要摒棄這種特殊環境帶來的優越條件呢?我們為什麼要放棄自己的立場而站到外國的立場上去呢?為什麼要把我們的命運同歐洲任何一部分的命運交織在一起，致使我們的和平與繁榮陷入歐洲的野心、競爭、利益關係、古怪念頭，或反覆無常的羅網之中呢?

雖然在檢討本人任期內所做的各事時，我未發覺有故意的錯誤，但我很明白我的缺點，並不以為我沒有犯過錯誤。不管這些錯誤是什麼，我懇切地祈求上帝免除或減輕這些錯誤所可能產生的惡果。我也將懷著一種希望，願我的國家永遠寬恕這些錯誤，我秉持正直的熱忱，獻身效勞國家已經四十五載，我希望因為能力薄弱而犯的過失，會隨著我不久以後長眠地下而湮沒無聞。

對於這件事也和其他事一樣，均須仰賴祖國的仁慈。由於受到強烈的愛國之情的激勵，──這種感情對於一個視祖國為自己及歷代祖先的故土的人來說，是很自然的。──我懷著歡欣的期待心情，指望在我切盼實現的退休之後，能與我的同胞們愉快地分享自由政府治下完善法律的溫暖──這是我一直衷心嚮往的目標，並且我相信，這也是我們相互關懷、共同努力和赴場蹈火的理想報酬。

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. . . .

    The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters much pains "will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

    For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. . . .

    In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations--Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western--whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You can not shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. . . .

    To the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a Constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. ...

    Toward the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what can not be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. . . .

    I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

    This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy. . . .

    It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It  agitates the community with illfounded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. . . .

    Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are  indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness--these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

    It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

   As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon prosperity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear....

    Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom that actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.

    The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

    Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves to artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

    Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

    Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? ...

    Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

    Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow citizens the benign influence of good laws under a free government--the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.