約翰‧F‧甘迺迪
(JOHN F
. KENNEDY)

就職演說
Inaugural Address
 

 

    不要問你的國家能為你做些什麼──問問你自己能為你的國家做些什麼。


    約翰.F‧甘迺迪(19171963)生於麻塞諸塞州布魯克來恩,就讀於哈佛大學。第二次世界大戰中他在海軍服役,經歷過太平洋戰爭。戰後甘迺迪被選入國會。他在眾議院連任三屆議員,1952年當選為參議員。1960年甘迺迪險勝副總統理查德‧尼克松,當選為總統。

   作為總統候選人,甘迺迪以一種朝氣蓬勃的形象出現在人們面前。在競選中他許諾「將使國家重新起動。」在民主黨全國大會上他接受民主黨總統候選人提名的講話中,甘迺迪說:「我們站在一個新邊疆的邊緣。」他的就職演說包合他競選運動和短暫的總統任期──它於19631122日被一顆暗殺者的子彈所終結──的若干重要主題。


 我們今天不是慶祝一次政黨的勝利,而是為自由舉行慶典──它象徵一個結束,也象徵一個開端──表示更新,亦表明轉變。因為我已按照我們祖先在一又四分之三世紀前擬就的誓言在你們和上帝面前莊嚴宣誓。 

 當今世界與以往大不相同。因為人在自己手中掌握的力量足以消除一切形式的人類貧困,又足以毀滅一切形式的人類生命。但是我們祖先曾為之戰鬥的革命信念現仍在世界各地處於爭論之中──這信念認定人權並非來自國家的慷慨施予,而是上帝所賜。

       我們今天不可忘記,我們是那第一次革命參加者的後裔。此時此地我願向我們的朋友和敵人宣告:火炬已傳到新一代美國人手中──他們在本世紀出生,經歷過戰火錘煉,經受了嚴酷的和平時期的磨練,為自己的古老傳統自豪──他們不願看到也不容人權逐漸被褫奪。美國對這種人權一貫負有責任,如今我們也在本國和全世界對其承擔義務。 

    應讓每一個國家明白,不論它希望我們走運或倒楣,我們將付出任何代價,承擔任何重負,克服任何艱難,支援任何朋友,反對任何敵人,以確保自由的存在和成功。 

     這就是我們保證做到的──而且還不止這些。 

      對於那些和我們共有同一種文化和精神淵源的老盟邦,我們保證獻出摯友的忠誠。倘若團結,我們在許多合作事業中幾乎無所不能。倘若分裂,我們則很難有所作為,因為意見分歧,各行其事,我們便不敢應付強有力的挑戰。 

    對於……新獨立國家,我們發出誓言,決不讓一種形式的殖民統治的消亡,只是被另一種殘酷得多的暴政所取代。我們並不總是指望他們支援我們的觀點,但我們將始終希望他們堅決維護自己的自由──而且應該記住,過去那些愚蠢地騎上虎背以壯聲勢的人,結果死在虎口之中。

    對於那些住在遍佈半個地球的棚屋和村落裏正為砸碎大眾苦難的桎梏而奮鬥的人民,我們保證竭盡全力幫助他們自救,不論這需要多長時間-並不是因為共產黨人或許正這 麼做,也不是因為我們要他們投贊成票,而是因為這此乃正確的行動。自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人,也就不能保全少數富人。 

    對於我國邊界以南的各姐妹共和國,我們提出一種特殊的保證──把我們的善意從言論變成行動,在爭取進步的新同盟中,幫助自由人民和自由國家的政府掙脫貧困的鎖鏈,但決不能讓這種充滿希望的和平革命成為敵對強國的獵物。應讓我們所有的鄰國知道,我們將與他們一起反對在美洲任何地區發生侵略或顛覆。也應讓所有其他國家知道,西半球決意做自己地域的主人。 

    對於聯合國這一各主權國家的世界性議會,這個在戰爭工具的發展遠遠快於和平工具的發展的時代我們最後最美好的希望寄託之所,我們重申對它給予支援的保證:阻止它變成僅供漫罵的講壇,加強它對新的和弱小國家的保護作用,並擴大它的憲章可能施加影響的領域。   

    最後,對於那些欲與我們為敵的國家,我們提出的不是保證而是要求:雙方重新開始對和平的追求,且莫等到科學釋放出的邪惡力量把整個人類吞沒在預謀的或偶然的自我毀滅之中。

    我們萬萬不可以軟弱去誘惑他們。因為只有當我們擁有無可置疑的足夠強大的武力時,我們才能有無可置疑的把握永遠不使用這些武力。 

    然而,這兩個強大的國家集團都不能對現狀高忱無憂──雙方皆對現代化武器的開支感到不勝負擔,都對致命的原子力量的逐漸擴散理所當然地感到驚恐,但雙方都力圖改變那種遏制任何一方發動人類最後決戰的不穩定的恐怖均勢。 

    因此讓我們重新開始──雙方都記住禮貌並不表示軟弱,而誠意則向來都須驗證。我們決不該因畏懼而談判,但我們也決不要畏懼談判。 

    讓雙方去探究哪些問題能促使我們聯合,而不要在引起雙方對立的問題上徒費精力。 

    讓雙方首次制訂有關檢查和控制武器的嚴肅認真而又精確的計劃──而且把足以毀滅其他國家的絕對力量置於所有國家的絕對控制下。 

    讓雙方去探求科學的奧秘而不是科學的可怕力量。讓我們共同探測星球,征服沙漠,消除疾病,開發海底資源,促進藝術和貿易的發展。 

    讓雙方在世界各地共同聽取以賽亞的指示──去「卸下沈重的負擔……()讓被壓迫者獲得自由。」

    如果初步進行一點合作便可能減少猜測,就讓雙方攜手作一次新的努力,不是尋求新的力量均衡,而是建立一個新的法治世界,使強者公正,弱者安全,和平得到維護。

    所有這一切不會在今後一百天內完成,也不會在今後一千天內完成,甚至也許不會在我們這一代人的一生中完成。但讓我們開始吧。 

    我的同胞們,我們的方針的最終成敗,不僅掌握在我的手中,更掌握在你們手中。自從這個國家建立以來,每一代美國人都曾聽從召喚證明他們對國家的忠誠。回應號召服役的美國青年的墳墓遍佈全球。

    如今號角又在召喚我們,不是號召我們拿起武器,雖然我們需要武器;不是號召我們作戰,雖然我們嚴陣以待;而是號召我們肩負一場長期的、勝負難決的奮鬥重任,年復一年「在希望中得到歡樂,在患難中堅韌不拔」,展開一場反對人類共同敵人暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰爭本身的鬥爭。 

    我們能否建立一個把東西南北連在一起的偉大的世界聯盟來反對這些敵人,以確保人類享有更為豐實的生活呢? 你是否願意投入這具有歷史意義的事業?

    在世界漫長的歷史上,只有少數幾代人在自由面臨最大威脅的時刻被賦予捍衛自由的任務。在這一責任面前我不退縮──我歡迎它。我認為我們中間不會有人樂意與別的民族或另一代人交換位置。我們獻給這一事業的精力、信念和忠誠將照耀我們國家和一切為它效力的人們,這火焰所發出的光芒將真正照亮全世界。 

    因此,我的美國同胞們,不要問你的國家能為你做些什麼──問問你自己能為你的國家做些什麼。 

    世界各國的公民朋友們,你們該問的不是美國將為你們做些什麼,而是我們共同能為人類的自由做些什麼。 

    最後,不論你是美國公民還是世界各國的公民,請以我們向你們提出的有關奉獻力量和犧牲的同一高標準來要求我們。以良心作為我們唯一可靠的獎賞,以歷史作為我們行為的最後裁判,讓我們邁步向前去領導我們熱愛的國土。我們祈求上帝保佑並賜神助,但是我們知道在此世間上帝的工作就一定是我們自己的工作。


附註:

  • 第一次革命指美國獨立戰爭。

  • 賽亞希伯來先知,是《舊約》中的四大先知之一。

 


      We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedomsymbolizing an end as well as a beginningsignifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

    The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe
the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.

    We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans-born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage
and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

    Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

    This much we pledge
and more.

    To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do
for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

    To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom
and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

    To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required
not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right, If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

    To our sister republics south of the border, we offer a special pledge- to convert our good words into good deeds- in a new alliance for progress- to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

    To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective- to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak- and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

    Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

    We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

    But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

    So let us begin anew- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

    Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

    Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms- and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

    Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

    Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah- to "undo the heavy burdens . . . [and] let the oppressed go free."

    And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

    All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

    In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

    Now the trumpet summons us again- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need,- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-  but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"- a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

    Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

    In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility
I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve itand the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

    And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you
ask what you can do for your country.

    My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

    Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.