瑪格麗特‧蔡斯‧史密斯
(MARGARET CHASE SMITH)

良心宣言
Declaration of Conscience

    我不想看見共和黨依靠誣衊他人的四騎士──恐懼、無知、偏執和誹謗去贏得政治上的勝利。

   1950年威斯康辛的約瑟夫‧R．麥卡錫參議員發動了一場從政府部門中清除共產黨嫌疑分子的討伐運動。他把自己裝扮成保衛美國免遭國內外敵人侵害的愛國者，批評他的人們指責他根據謠言和影射粗暴破壞人們的職業和名聲。作為一個共和黨人，麥卡錫不斷指出：杜魯門政府「對共產主義軟弱」，該政府任命的國務院官員是叛國分子，他們「丟失」或「放棄」了一些國家讓共產黨人上臺。差不多有五年時間──從1950年2月麥卡錫首次聲稱國務院充滿了顛覆分子直到1954年12月這位參議員遭到參議院同僚們的譴責──整個國家捲入對 「麥卡錫主義」的激烈爭論。

    政府內外許多人被這參議員的指控嚇倒了，但並非人人如此。七位共和黨參議員──新罕布夏州的查爾斯‧托比、佛蒙特州的喬治‧D‧艾肯、俄勒岡州的韋思‧L‧摩斯、明尼蘇達州的愛德華‧J‧塞、紐約州的歐文‧M‧艾夫斯、新澤西州的羅伯特‧C‧亨德裡克遜以及緬因州的瑪格麗特‧蔡斯‧史密斯──簽署了反對麥卡錫策略的良心宣言。參議員史密斯(1897─  )是參議院中的唯一女性，她起草了這個宣言並於1950年6月1日在參議院為該宣言發表演說。

    議長先生、我想簡單明瞭地談談嚴峻的國家狀況。這就是全國性的恐懼和挫折感，這種感覺可能導致國家自取滅亡，導致我們美國人所珍視的一切走上窮途末路。出現這種狀況的原因在於我們政府的立法和行政機構缺乏卓有成效的領導。領導是如此薄弱，以致有人提出認真負責的建議，要求任命諮詢委員會以提供這種急需的領導。

    我盡可能言簡意賅，因為不負責任的怨言和自私自利的政治機會主義已造成太多危害。我盡可能言簡意賅，因為問題太嚴重，即使能言善辯也無法混淆視聽。我的講話筒單明瞭，希望我的話能打動人心。

    議長先生，我作為一名共和黨人講話。我作為一名婦女講話。我作為一名美國參議員講話。我作為一個美國人講話。 

   美國參議院長期來以世界上最傑出的慎重周到的機構贏得世人的尊敬。但最近這種慎重周到的品質經常被降低到發 洩仇恨和中傷他人的講壇的水平，而這種攻訐受到國會豁免權的庇護。

   這一點令人啼笑皆非：我們參議員在參議院辯論時可以直接或間接地用任何表述方式把與一個美國人不相稱、不相適應的行為或動機發咎 於一個不是參議員的美國人，而那個非參議員美國人無權要求我們為其恢復名譽，賠償損失。但是倘若我們在參議院對我們的同事說同樣的話，便會被制止，理由是不符合規程。

   奇怪的是，我們可以毫無節制地用語言攻擊任何別人而受到充分保護，但我們自己在這參議院議員席上卻可免遭同 一種類的批評。當然，美國參議院有足夠大的度量作自我批評和自我評價。當然，我們應該能夠接受我們「奉送」給外界人士的相同類型的人格抨擊。

    我認為，對於美國參議院及其成員來說，早已到了該這麼做的時候了：反躬自問，作良心上的自我反省，檢查一下我們對美國人民的義務履行得如何，我們又是如何利用和濫用自己個人的職權和特權的。 

   我認為，我們早就該記起自己曾宣誓堅持和捍衛憲法。我認為，我們早該記起修正的憲法不僅提到言論自由，而且提到由陪審團進行審判而不是由控方進行審判。

    不論是法庭上的刑事訴訟亦或是在參議院中對個人品質的攻訐，只要毀了一個人的生活兩者沒有什麼實際差別。

   我們的那些在破壞他人名譽時對美國方式叫嚷得最響的人往往是那些以自己的言行蔑視美國方式某些基本原則的人。這些原則是──

    批評的權利。

    持有不受歡迎的信念的權利。

    抗議的權利。

    獨立思考的權利。

    行使這些權利不應使任何一個美國公民喪失名譽或生活的權利，任何一個美國公民也不應只為碰巧認識某個抱不受歡迎的信念的人便面臨喪失名譽或斷絕生路的危險。我們哪個人沒有這類信念呢? 不然我們誰也不能稱自己的靈魂屬於自己。不然思想控制將得以實行。

    美國人民害怕因說出自己的觀點被他們的對手從政治上誹謗成法西斯分子，對這種恐懼心他們感到憎惡和厭煩。在美國，言論自由已今非昔，不成樣子。它被某些人肆意濫用，以致其他人不再行使該項權利。 

   美國人民眼看無辜的人遭誣陷，有罪之人被美化，對此感到憎惡和厭煩。但是有不少已經證實的案例，譬如阿麥雷西亞案、希斯案、科普隆案、戈爾德案，足以引起全國範圍的不信任感和深深的猜疑：人們怕那些尚未證實、聳人聽聞的指控可能包含幾分真實。

    作為一個共和黨人，我對坐在走道這一邊的我的同事們說，共和黨今天所面臨的挑戰不亞於林肯的時代它所面臨的挑戰。當時共和黨成功地迎接挑戰，從內戰中掘起，不僅是個同浪費開支、計劃不周作無情鬥爭的政黨，而且成為捍衛統一國家的鬥士。

    今天，我們國家在心理上被慌亂和懷疑弄得四分五裂，這種惶惶不安的懷疑情緒從美國參議院產生，「一無所知，懷疑一切」的態度如癌細胞一般擴展蔓延。今天，我們有一個熱衷於浪費開支，推行計劃不周的方案的民主黨政府。歷史正在重演 ──共和黨再次有機會成為捍衛統一和審慎節儉的鬥士。 

   現任民主黨政府的歷史已為我們提供了充足的競選爭論問題，我們沒有必要求助於政治誹謗術。正因為民主黨政府已無力在政治上給予卓有成效的領導，美國正迅速喪失其世界領袖的地位。

    民主黨政府日復一日，自相矛盾的嚴重警告和樂觀的保證已完全把美國人民搞糊塗了。這就向人民表明，我國的民主黨政府已迷失方向，不知所措。

    民主黨政府已經因其洋洋自得而在國內對共產主義的威脅無動於衷，因其重要官員將要害機密 洩漏給俄國而大大失去了美國人民的信任。我們有足夠的已經證實的案例說明這一點，不必用未經證實的指控削弱我們的批評。

    無疑，這些已完全有理由使美國人民明白：是變革的時候了；共和黨取勝對於國家安全很有必要。顯而易見，只要這個國家由無能的現任民主黨政府掌管，那麼它將繼續遭殃。

    然而倘若一個共和黨政權信奉一種政治上不正派、理性上不誠實的哲學，那麼用這個政府取代民主黨政府對國家同樣是災難。美國極需一個共和黨的勝利。但是我不想看見共和黨依靠誣衊他人的四騎士──恐懼、無知、偏執和誹謗去贏得政治上的勝利。

    我懷疑共和黨政府是否能這麼做，只因為我不相信美國人民會擁護任何一個將政治私利置於國家利益之上的政黨。當然，我們共和黨人並不至於為贏得勝利而不顧一切，孤注一擲。

    我不想看到共和黨用這種方式取勝。那勝利對共和黨而言將十分短暫，而對美國人民而言則意味著持久的失敗。無疑，它將最終導致共和黨和兩黨制自取滅亡，而兩黨制保障了我們美國的自由權利，以免遭一黨制專制統治。

    作為少數派政黨的成員，我們不具備制訂我國政府政策的權威。但我們確實有以下的責任：提出建設性的批評，澄清問題，以認真負責的公民的行動減少恐懼。

    作為一名婦女，我想知道母親們、妻子們、姐妹們、女兒們對她們的家人在參議院辯論中遭政治攻訐有何感覺──我使用「辯論」一詞是經過深思熟慮的。

   作為一名美國參議員，我對參議院被用作公共講壇以散佈不負責任、聳人聽聞的傳聞無法感到自豪。對從走道這一側肆無忌憚地拋出未經證實的指控，我無法感到自豪。對走道的另一邊顯然是裝腔作勢、不莊重的，旨在報復的反訴，我無法感到自豪。

    對參議院已被用作誣衊中傷的場所，用作以犧牲他人名譽和國家統一換取政治利益的場所，我感到不悅。對我們從參議院議員席上誹謗外界人士，把我們自己藏在國會豁免權的保護衣後面，穩坐參議院議員席不受任何批評，我無法感到自豪。

    作為一個美國人，我既不希望一個民主黨政府粉飾太平，遮遮掩掩，也不希望一個共和黨人誹謗他人，搞政治迫害。

Mr. President, I would like to speak briefly and simply about a serious national condition. It is a national feeling of fear and frustration that could result in national suicide and the end of everything that we Americans hold dear. It is a condition that comes from the lack of effective leadership either in the legislative branch or the executive branch of our Government. That leadership is so lacking that serious and responsible proposals are being made that national advisory commissions be appointed to provide such critically needed leadership.

    I speak as briefly as possible because too much harm has already been done with irresponsible words of bitterness and selfish political opportunism. I speak as simply as possible because the issue is too great to be obscured by eloquence. I speak simply and briefly in the hope that my words will be taken to heart.

    Mr. President, I speak as a Republican. I speak as a woman. I speak as a United States Senator. I speak as an American.

    The United States Senate has long enjoyed world-wide respect as the greatest deliberative body in the world. But recently that deliberative character has too often been debased to the level of a forum of hate and character assassination sheltered by the shield of congressional immunity.

    It is ironical that we Senators can in debate in the Senate, directly or indirectly, by any form of words, impute to any American who is not a Senator any conduct or motive unworthy or unbecoming an American－and without that non Senator American having any legal redress against us－yet if we say the same thing in the Senate about our colleagues we can be stopped on the grounds of being out of order.

    It is strange that we can verbally attack anyone else without restraint and with full protection, and yet we hold ourselves above the same type of criticism here on the Senate floor. Surely the United States Senate is big enough to take self-criticism and self-appraisal. Surely we should be able to take the same kind of character attacks that we "dish out" to outsiders.

    I think that it is high time for the United States Senate and its Members to do some real soul searching and to weigh our consciences as to the manner in which we are performing our duty to the people of America and the manner in which we are using or abusing our individual powers and privileges.

    I think it is high time that we remembered that we have sworn to uphold and defend the Constitution. I think it is high time that we remembered that the Constitution, as amended, speaks not only of the freedom of speech but also of trial by jury instead of trial by accusation.

    Whether it be a criminal prosecution in court or a character prosecution in the Senate, there is little practical distinction when the life of a person has been ruined.

    Those of us who shout the loudest about Americanism in making character assassinations are all too frequently those who, by our own words and acts, ignore some of the basic principles of Americanism－

    The right to criticize.

    The right to hold unpopular beliefs.

    The right to protest.

    The right of independent thought.

    The exercise of these rights should not cost one single American citizen his reputation or his right to a livelihood nor should he be in danger of losing his reputation or livelihood merely because he happens to know someone who holds unpopular beliefs. Who of us does not? Other wise none of us could call our souls our own. Otherwise thought control would have set in.

    The American people are sick and tired of being afraid to speak their minds lest they be politically smeared as Communists or Fascists by their opponents. Freedom of speech is not  what it used to be in America. It has been so abused by some that it is not exercised by others.

   The American people are sick and tired of seeing innocent people smeared and guilty people whitewashed. But there have been enough proved cases, such as the Amerasia case, the Hiss case, the Coplon case, the Gold case, to cause Nation-wide distrust and strong suspicion that there may be something to the unproved, sensational accusations.

    As a Republican, I say to my colleagues on this side of the aisle that the Republican Party faces a challenge today that is not unlike the challenge which it faced back in Lincoln's day. The Republican Party so successfully met that challenge that it emerged from the Civil War as the champion of a united nation－in addition to being a party which unrelentingly fought loose spending and loose programs.

    Today our country is being psychologically divided by the confusion and the suspicions that are bred in the United States Senate to spread like cancerous tentacles of "know nothing, suspect everything" attitudes. Today we have a Democratic administration which has developed a mania for loose spending and loose programs. History is repeating itself－and the Republican Party again has the opportunity to emerge as the champion of unity and prudence.

    The record of the present Democratic administration has provided us with sufficient campaign issues without the necessity of resorting to political smears. America is rapidly losing its position as leader of the world simply because the Democratic administration has pitifully failed to provide effective leadership.

    The Democratic administration has completely confused the American people by its daily contradictory grave warnings and optimistic assurances, which show the people that our Democratic administration has no idea of where it is going.

    The Democratic administration has greatly lost the confidence of the American people by its complacency to the threat of communism  here at home and the leak of vital secrets to Russia through key officials of the Democratic administration. There are enough proved cases to make this point without diluting our criticism with unproved charges.

    Surely these are sufficient reasons to make it clear to the American people that it is time for a change and that a Republican victory is necessary to the security of the country. Surely it is clear that this Nation will continue to suffer so long as it is governed by the present ineffective Democratic administration.

    Yet to displace it with a Republican regime embracing a philosophy that lacks political integrity or intellectual honesty would prove equally disastrous to the Nation. The Nation sorely needs a Republican victory. But I do not want to see the Republican Party ride to political victory on the Four Horsemen of Calumny－fear, ignorance, bigotry, and smear.

    I doubt if the Republican Party could do so, simply because I do not believe the American people will uphold any political party that puts political exploitation above national interest. Surely we Republicans are not so desperate for victory.

    I do not want to see the Republican Party win that way. While it might be a fleeting victory for the Republican Party, it would be a more lasting defeat for the American people. Surely it would ultimately be suicide for the Republican Party and the two-party system that has protected our American liberties from the dictatorship of a one-party system.

   As members of the minority party, we do not have the primary authority to formulate the policy of our Government. But we do have the responsibility of rendering constructive criticism, of clarifying issues, of allaying fears by acting as responsible citizens.

    As a woman, I wonder how the mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters feel about the way in which members of their families have been politically mangled in Senate debate－and I use the word "debate" advisedly.

    As a United States Senator, I am not proud of  the way in which the Senate has been made a publicity platform for irresponsible sensationalism. I am not proud of the reckless abandon in which unproved charges have been hurled from this side of the aisle. I am not proud of the obviously staged, undignified countercharges which have been attempted in retaliation from the other side of the aisle.

    I do not like the way the Senate has been made a rendezvous for vilification, for selfish political gain at the sacrifice of individual reputations and national unity. I am not proud of the way we smear outsiders from the floor of the Senate and hide behind the cloak of congressional immunity and still place ourselves beyond criticism on the floor of the Senate.

    As an American, I am shocked at the way Republicans and Democrats alike are playing directly into the Communist design of "confuse, divide, and conquer." As an American, I do not want a Democratic administration white wash or cover up any more than I want a Republican smear or witch hunt.

   As an American, I condemn a Republican Fascist just as much as I condemn a Democrat Communist. I condemn a Democrat Fascist just as much as I condemn a Republican Communist. They are equally dangerous to you and me and to our country. As an American, I want to see our Nation recapture the strength and unity it once had when we fought the enemy instead of ourselves....