休伯特‧漢弗萊
(HUBER HUMPHREY)

爭取民權
A Plea for Civil Rights

 對民主黨來說，這一時刻已經到來：走出各州權利的陰影，逕直步入人權的燦爛陽光中。

   1948年，民主黨陷入困境。弗蘭克林‧D‧羅斯福總統於1945年逝世。他的繼任者哈里‧杜魯門無法再使黨內爭吵不休的各派力量聯合在一起。民主黨左翼分裂出去，組成進步黨，提名亨利‧華萊士為總統候選人；民主黨右翼──它掌握南方白人的關鍵性選票──則警告說，如果民主黨人在他們的黨綱中採納了民權條目，它將退出全國大會。 

   休伯特‧霍雷肖‧漢弗萊(1911－1978)出席了在費城舉行的民主黨全國代表大會。當時漢弗萊任明尼阿波利斯市長，年輕有為，充滿活力，正在角逐美國參議院席位。漢弗萊曾當過藥劑師、教員，於1945年當選為市長。1948年7月14日，漢弗萊發表了以下這篇熱情洋溢的演說，懇求在民權問題上持勇敢的立場。全國大會贊同他的觀點，而南方的民主黨人則退出了全國大會和民主黨。雖然黨內有人背叛，杜魯門仍險勝杜威，而漢弗萊則入選參議院，在以後的16年中成為一位傑出的參議員。

    我意識到，我正談論一個引起激烈爭論的問題──由於人們各執一詞，感情用事，這問題被攪糊塗了。我意識到，今天在場的人士中頗有些人──其中不少是我的朋友和同事──跟我一樣深切關注這個問題，但觀點與我恰恰相反。

    我是懷著對這些人和他們的觀點的尊敬和欽佩來到此地的。

    由於在討論中他們所表現的真誠、禮貌和直率，此刻我對他們的尊敬和欽佩更增加了十二分。

    因為懷有這種尊敬，因為我確信我們要在這裏完成一項具有挑戰性的任務，因為良心的驅使，我感到現在我不能不站出來支援這個報告──該報告清楚地闡明了我們的民主，對於該報告人民將充分理解，熱情歡呼。

    請允許我在開頭便說明，這一建議的提出不帶有對任何個地區、階級、種族或教派的考慮。

    所有的地區，所有的州都已共用美國式自由的可貴遺產。所有的地區，所有的州都或多或少侵犯了這種自由──所有的人，所有的團體都已成為不公平待遇的受害者。

    我們的主要發言人，尊敬的肯塔基州美國參議員阿爾本‧巴克利的精闢講話切中要害。在談及我們黨的創始人托馬斯‧傑斐遜時，他說：

   「他沒有宣稱一切白人或黑人，或紅種人，或黃種人平等；一切基督徒或猶太教徒平等；一切新教徒或天主教徒平等；一切富人或窮人平等；一切好人或壞人平等。

   「他聲明的是人人平等；而他所說的平等是指人人有權享受自由政府的福澤，他們可以參加這個政府，而且他們贊同這個政府。」 

    我們是作為民主黨人參加大會的。但更重要的是，作為美國人──而且我堅信，作為關心我國未來的人，我們必須在我們的黨綱中列入我所提到的諸條保證。

   是啊，這已遠遠不只是個政黨的問題。美國之成為自由世界的領袖與每一個公民利害攸關。自由世界正受到實行奴隸制度的世界的挑戰。為了使我們能卓有成效地發揮自己的作用，我們必須站在道德完善的立場。

   在衡量我們自己和他國人民的政策時，我們不能使用雙重標準。我們對其他國家實行民主的要求不會比在我們自已的國家實行民主的保證更有效。

   我們是對上帝虔誠的人。我們相信在上帝的庇護下人與人之間的兄弟情誼。

   我不認為，對我已提及的公民權的保證可以有任何折衷妥協。

   儘管我希望黨綱能獲得一致通過，我認為對有些問題還是應當毫無保留地予以闡明。不能躲躲閃閃──不能輕描淡寫。 

    有些人對你們說：我們正力促這個公民權問題儘快得到解決。我說，我們已晚了一百七十二年。

   有些人說：這公民權問題侵犯了各州的權利。對民主黨來說，這一時刻已經到來：走出各州權利的陰影，逕直步入人權的燦爛陽光中。

   人民──人類──這是二十世紀的關鍵問題。人民──形形色色，各式各樣的人──指望美國擔任領導，指望美國給予幫助，指望美國指引前程。

   我的朋友，我的民主黨夥伴們，我請求你們冷靜地考慮我們的歷史機遇。讓我們忘記邪惡的感情，忘記過去的盲目性。在如今這個國際經濟、政治、精神危機──尤其是精神危機──的時期，我們不能也不應偏離明擺在我們面前的道路。

   這條道路已經引我們穿過許多籠罩著死亡陰影的幽谷。現在該是緬懷那些在美國自由之路上獻身的先驅者的時候對於我們全體與會者，對於選派我們與會的幾百萬人，對於人類大家庭的二十億成員，我們國家如今比過去任何時更是世界上最後的最大希望所在。我知道我們能夠──我知道我們會──從這裏開始更充分、更完美地實現這一希望──它是這樣一個國家的希望，在那裏人人自由平等，人人明智而又充分地運用自己的自由和平等。

I realize that I am dealing with a charged issue－with an issue which has been confused by emotionalism on all sides. I realize that there are those here－friends and colleagues of mine, many of them－who feel as deeply as I do about this issue and who are yet in complete disagreement with me.

    My respect and admiration for these men and their views was great when I came here.

    It is now far greater because of the sincerity, the courtesy and the forthrightness with which they have argued in our discussions.

    Because of this very respect－because of my profound belief that we have a challenging task to do here－because good conscience demands it－I feel I must rise at this time to support this report－a report that spells out our democracy, a report that the people will understand and enthusiastically acclaim.

    Let me say at the outset that this proposal is made with no single region, no single class, no single racial or religious group in mind.

    All regions and all states have shared in the precious heritage of American freedom. All states and all regions have at least some infringements of that freedom－all people, all groups have been the victims of discrimination.

    The masterly statement of our keynote speaker, the distinguished United States senator from  Kentucky, Alben Barley, made that point with great force. Speaking of the founder of our party, Thomas Jefferson, he said:

    "He did not proclaim that all white, or black, or red, or yellow men are equal; that all Christian or Jewish men are equal; that all Protestant and Catholic men are equal; that all rich or poor men are equal; that all good or bad men are equal.

    「What be declared was that all men are equal; and the equality which be proclaimed was equality in the right to enjoy the blessings of free government in which they may participate and to which they have given their consent.」

We are here as Democrats. But more important, as Americans－and I firmly believe that as men concerned with our country's future, we must specify in our platform the guarantees which I have mentioned.

    Yes, this is far more than a party matter. Every citizen has a stake in the emergence of the United States as the leader of the free world. That world is being challenged by the world of slavery. For us to play our part effectively, we must be in a morally sound position.

    We cannot use a double standard for measuring our own and other people's policies. Our demands for democratic practices in other lands will be no more effective than the guarantees of those practiced in our own country.

    We are God-fearing men and women. We place our faith in the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God.

     I do not believe that there can be any compromise of the guarantees of civil rights which I have mentioned.

In spite of my desire for unanimous agreement on the platform there are some matters which I think must be stated without qualification. There can be no hedging－no watering down.

    There are those who say to you－we are rushing this issue of civil rights. I say we are 172 years late.

    There are those who say－this issue of civil rights is an infringement on states』 rights. The time has arrived for the Democratic party to get out of the shadow of states』 rights and walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights

    People－human beings－this is the issue of the 20^th century. People－all kinds and all sorts of people－look to America for leadership－for－for help－for guidance.

   My friends－my fellow Democrats－I ask you for a calm consideration of our historic opportunity. Let us forget the evil passions, the blindness of the past. In these times of world economic, political and spiritual－above all, spiritual crisis, we cannot－we must not, turn from the path so plainly before us.

   That path has already led us through many valleys of the shadow of death. Now is the time to recall those who were left on that path of American freedom.

   For all of us here, for the millions who have sent us, for the whole two billion members of the human family－our land is now, more than ever, the last best hope on earth. I know that we can－I know that we shall－begin here the fuller and richer realization of that hope－that promise of a land where all men are free and equal, and each man uses his freedom and equality wisely and well.