伯納德‧巴魯克
(BERNARD BARUCH)

巴魯克關於控制原子能的方案
The Baruch Plan for Control of Atomic Energy

  我們在這裏就生與死作出抉擇。

        第二次世界大戰結束時，美國壟斷了有關原子彈的知識。1946年6月14日，美國代表伯納德‧巴魯克向聯合國原子能委員會提交了一項美國方案：置原子能於國際控制之下。巴魯克(1870-1965)是個富有的金融家，曾任威爾遜總統和羅斯福總統的顧問。「政界元老」這一名詞似乎是專為形容他而創造的。

        蘇聯反對巴魯克方案，因為該方案要求國際核查。由獨裁者史達林統治的蘇聯要求立即銷毀現存原子武器，今後禁止製造原子武器，但不作核查。蘇聯的這一立場阻礙了國際合作，直到1963年，美、蘇、英三國才簽署禁止核子試驗條約。

        因此當時巴魯克方案未獲通過。人們可以想像，倘若該方案取勝，世界是否仍會有一場國際軍備競賽，全球的資源將會如何運用。

   我們在這裏就生與死作出抉擇。這是我們的職責。

    在新的原子時代，黑暗的不祥之兆背後存在著希望：如果人們抱著信念抓住這希望，那麼它就能拯救我們；假如我們失敗了，那麼我們就會使每個人淪為恐怖的奴隸。我們切莫欺騙自己了：我們必須在世界和平與世界毀滅之間作出抉擇。

    科學從自然揭示出一個奧秘，其潛力如此巨大，以致於我們的心靈在它製造的恐怖中顫抖。但恐怖不足以制止原子彈的使用。由武器所造成的恐怖從未阻止人類使用武器。每一種新式武器一出現，很快便產生一種抵禦它的方法。然而現在我們面臨有效的防禦手段不復存在的狀況。

    給我們造出這種可怕力量的科學證明，這種力量能夠被用來極大地造福人類，但科學沒有告訴我們怎樣阻止用它來從事破壞。因而我們奉命來尋求我們各國人民觀念和心願的共同點。唯有在全人類的意志中才能找到解決問題的答案。

   正是為著表達這種意願使它能得以實現，我們才會聚集一堂。我們必須規定一種有效途徑以確保原子能只用於和平目的，阻止人們在戰爭中使用它。為此，我們必須規定對違反各國達成的協定者給予直接、迅速和確實的懲罰。倘若和平不應當僅僅是兩次戰爭之間狂熱的插曲，那麼處罰措施是必不可少的。而且，聯合國也可以就蘇聯、英國、法國和美國在約倫堡應用的原則規定個人的責任和懲罰條例  ──  這樣做肯定有益於世界的未來。

   在此關鍵時刻，我們不僅代表本國政府，而且從更大範圍來說，我們代表世界各國人民。我們應牢記，各國人民不屬於各國政府，而各國政府屬於各國人民。我們必須答覆他們的要求；我們必須對全世界對和平與安全的渴望作出回答。

    美國熱切地、滿懷希望地抱同樣的願望。在美國，對那種絕對武器的科學研究已獲成果。但是美國隨時準備禁止和銷毀這一戰爭工具──將它的用途從死亡轉向生命──倘若全世界為此目的訂立一個條約。……

    現在是到了共同利益而採取行動的時候了。輿論支援維護安全的世界性運動。如果我的觀察準確，那麼我發現世界各國人民所要求的方案不僅包含善良的意向，而且包括可以實施的制裁手段──一項具有強制力的國際法。

    我們美國人民極願為維護世界和平盡力，而且由於我們擁有生產原子彈的手段，由於原子彈已成為我們的一部分，我們意識到自己肩上的重大責任。鑒於此，我們準備為有效地控制原子能作出我們的最大貢獻。

    但是在一個國家準備放棄任何克敵制勝的武器之前，它需要比言語更可靠的東西使它消除疑慮。它必須得到安全保證，制止用原子能作為進攻武器，而且制止其他武器──細菌武器、生物武器、毒氣──的非法使用，或許──為什麼不？ ──制止戰爭本身。

    我們解決問題的方法在於消滅戰爭，因為只有消滅了戰爭，國與國之間才會停止在生產和使用令人畏懼的「秘密」武器方面攀比競爭，而這類武器完全是根據其殺傷力如何來評定其價值的。這一該詛咒的方案不但把我們帶回到中世紀黑暗時代，而且使我們從和諧有序回到混亂狀態。倘若我們能找到一種控制原子武器的恰當方法，那麼就有理由希望：我們也可能阻止使用其他適於大規模殺傷的武器。一旦一個人學會了說「A」，那麼只要他樂意，他便能學會說其他字母。

    讓我們永遠銘記：和平絕對不可能由金屬的力量或軍備競賽所長期維持。和平唯有通過以制裁手段作後盾的諒解和協定才能得到穩定和保障。我們要麼接受國際合作，要麼接受國際分裂，二者必居其一。……

We are here to make a choice between the quick and the dead. That is our business.

    Behind the black portent of the new atomic age lies a hope which, seized upon with faith, can work our salvation. If we fail, then we have damned every man to be the slave of fear. Let us not deceive ourselves: We must elect world peace or world destruction.

   Science has torn from nature a secret so vast in its potentialities that our minds cower from the terror it creates. Yet terror is not enough to inhibit the use of the atomic bomb. The terror created by weapons has never stopped man Tom employing them, for each new weapon a defense has been produced, in time. But now we face a condition in which adequate defense Joes not exist.

   Science, which gave us this dread power, shows that it can be made a giant help to humanity, but science does not show us how to prevent its baleful use. So we have been appointed to obviate that peril by finding a meeting of the minds and the hearts of our peoples. Only in the will of mankind lies the answer.

    It is to express this will and make it effective that we have been assembled. We must provide the mechanism to assure that atomic energy is used for peaceful purposes and preclude its use in war. To that end, we must provide immediate, swift, and sure punishment of those who violate the agreements that are reached by the nations. Penalization is essential if peace is to be more than a feverish interlude between wars. And, too, the United Nations can prescribe individual responsibility and punishment on the principles applied at Nuremberg by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom, France, and the United States－a formula certain to benefit the world's future.

    In this crisis, we represent not only our governments but, in a larger way, we represent the peoples of the world. We must remember that the peoples do not belong to the governments but that the governments belong to the peoples. We must answer their demands; we must answer the world's longing for peace and security.

    In that desire, the United States shares ardently and hopefully. The search of science for the absolute weapon has reached fruition in this country. But she stands ready to proscribe and destroy this instrument－to lift its use from death to life－if the world will join in a pact to that end. . . .

    Now, if ever, is the time to act for the common good. Public opinion supports the world movement toward security. If I read the sign aright, the peoples want a program not com-posed merely of pious thoughts but of enforceable sanctions－an international law with teeth in it.    We of this nation, desirous of helping to bring peace to the world and realizing the heavy obligations upon us arising from our possession of the means of producing the bomb and from the fact that it is a part of our armament, are prepared to make our full contribution toward effective control of atomic energy. . . .

    But before a country is ready to relinquish any winning weapons, it must have more than words to reassure it. It must have a guarantee of safety, not only against the offenders in the atomic area but against the illegal users of other weapons－bacteriological, biological, gas－perhaps－and why not?－against war itself.

    In the elimination of war lies our solution, for only then will nations cease to compete with one another in the production and use of dread "secret" weapons which are evaluated solely by their capacity to kill. This devilish program takes us back, not merely to the Dark Ages but from cosmos to chaos. If we succeed in finding a suitable way to control atomic weapons, it is reasonable to hope that we may also preclude the use of other weapons adaptable to mass destruction. When a man learns to say "A" he can, if he chooses, learn the rest of the alphabet, too.

    Let this be anchored in our minds: Peace is never long preserved by weight of metal or by an armament race. Peace can be made tranquil and secure only by understanding and agreement fortified by sanctions. We must embrace international cooperation or international disintegration. ...