佛蘭克林‧德拉諾‧羅斯福
(FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT)
四大自由
The Four Freedoms
我們盼望有一個建立在四項人類基本自由之上的世界。第一是言論和發表意見的自由──在世界每一個地方。第二是每個人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由──在世界每一個地方。第三是不虞匱乏的自由……──在世界每一個地方。第四是免受恐懼的自由……──在世界每一個地方。
羅斯福在他1941年1月6日致國會的年度咨文中陳述了美國對正在不斷擴大的國際衝突的反應。僅在幾個月之前,法國落入希特勒之手;就在羅斯福發表演講的同時,英國正堅決抵抗納粹的空襲。在那幾個扣人心弦的月份中,英國一直存在著現實而可怕的軍事崩潰的可能性。在這篇演說中,羅斯福為積極援助美國的盟國作了輿論準備。到1941年3月,國會便通過了租借法,使美國得以向危難中的盟國提供坦克、卡車、飛機和食品。雖然頒佈此法案主要是為了幫助英國,但大多數租借法援助物資卻輸往英聯邦國家和蘇聯,
…我想,每一個現實主義者都明白,民主生活方式此刻正在世界各地遭受直接攻擊──或因武裝侵略,或因一些人秘密散佈惡毒宣傳,竭力在仍處於和平狀態的國家中破壞團結,製造分裂。
在十六個月的時間內,這種攻擊已在數目驚人的大大小小獨立國家裏摧毀了民主生活的整個模式。這些攻擊者還在進軍,威脅著其他大大小小的國家。……
我們的國家政策是:
第一,根據公眾意志的感人表述而不去考慮黨派之爭,我們保證加強國防,寸土不讓。
第二,根據公眾意志的感人表述而不去考慮黨派之爭,我們保證全力支援抵抗侵略從而使本半球免遭戰禍的世界各地一切不屈不撓的民族。通過這種支援,我們表達民主事業必勝的決心,同時加強我國自身的防務和安全。
第三,根據公眾意志的感人表述而不去考慮黨派之爭,我們保證貫徹這一主張,即道德原則和對我們自身安全的考慮決不允許我們默認由侵略者支配、由綏靖主義者倡議的和平。我們知道,持久和平是不能以他國人民的自由為代價買到的。……
因此,立即需要迅猛增加我們的軍械生產。……
讓我們對所有的民主國家說:「我們美國人對你們捍衛自由的鬥爭極為關切。我們正在付出我們的精力、資源和組織能力,以給予你們恢復和維護自由世界的力量。我們將向你們運送越來越多的艦艇、飛機、坦克和槍炮。這是我們的宗旨,也是我們的保證。」……
正如人不能光靠麵包生存,人也不能光靠武器戰鬥。守衛在我們的防禦工事的人以及在他們身後建設我們的防務的人必須具有毅力和勇氣,這種毅力和勇氣來源於對自己正在捍衛的生活方式的堅定信念。我們現在所需要的強有力的行動不能建築在對值得為之戰鬥的一切漠不關心的態度上。
為了使我國人民意識到維護美國民主生活同他們的個人利害休戚相關,已做了很多工作,國家對此十分滿意並從中汲取巨大的力量。這些工作使我們的人民性格更為堅強,信念得以恢復,更加忠於我們準備保衛的制度。
當然,現在並不是我們任何人可以不再考慮作為社會革命根本原因的社會和經濟問題的時候,而社會革命乃是今日世界的要素。因為一個健全而強大的民主國家的基礎沒有什麼神秘之處。
我們的人民期待於他們的政治和經濟體制的基本東西很簡單,是:
青年人和其他人的機會均等。
凡能工作者皆有工作。
需要安全的人得到安全。
結束少數人的特權。
享受科學進步的果實以更廣泛地不斷提高生活水平。
這些簡單、基本的東西是在我們這個混亂和極端複雜的現代世界裏須臾不可忽視的。我們經濟和政治體制的內在和持久的力量取決於它們滿足人們期望的程度。……
在我們力求安寧的未來歲月中,我們盼望有一個建立在四項人類基本自由之上的世界。
第一是言論和發表意見的自由──在世界每一個地方。
第二是每個人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由──在世界每一個地方。
第三是不虞
匱乏的自由──從全球的角度說,意味著保證使每個國家的居民過上健康的和平時期生活的經濟共識──在世界每一個地方。
第四是免受恐懼的自由──從全球的角度說,意味著世界範圍的裁軍,它是如此全面徹底,以致任何國家都無法對他國發動武裝侵略──在世界每一個地方。
這並不是對遙遠將來的幻想。它是我們自己的時代、我們這一代人就能實現的一個世界的確切基礎。這一世界恰恰是專制主義所謂「新秩序」的對立面,獨裁者們企圖用炸彈的威力來創造那種秩序。
與那種「新秩序」針鋒相對,我們提出一更大的概念──精神秩序。一個良好的社會能夠面對世界職權的陰謀或外國革命而無所畏懼。
自英國有史以來,我們一直在從事變革,即不間斷的和平革命,這場革命平靜穩步地發展,不斷適應變化中的情況而無須使用集中營或萬人家。我們拜求的世界秩序是自由國家的合作,在一個友好文明的社會中一同工作。
這個國家把它的命運託付給千百萬自由的男女公民的雙手、頭腦和心靈,把它的信念建立在上帝所引導的自由上。自由意味著任何地方人權至上。我們支援為爭取和捍衛人權而鬥爭的人們。我們的力量在於我們目標一致。
這一崇高觀念除勝利無其他結局。
.
. . I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at
this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed
either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek
to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
During
sixteen months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life
in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the
assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and
small....
Our
national policy is this:
First, by
an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship,
we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by
an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship,
we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are
resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By
this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall
prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by
an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship,
we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and
considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace
dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace
cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom....
Therefore,
the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. .
. .
Let us say
to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of
freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing
powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall
send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our
purpose and our pledge." . . .
As men do
not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our
defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and
the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which
they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on
a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The
nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have
been done to make its people conscious of their individuals take in the
preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the
fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to
the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly
this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic
problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a
supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the
foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic
things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are
simple. They are:
Equality
of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for
those who can work.
Security
for those who need it.
The
ending of special privilege for the few.
The
preservation of civil liberties for all.
The
enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising
standard of living.
These are
the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and
unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of
our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they
fulfill these expectations. . . .
In the
future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded
upon four essential human freedoms.
The first
is freedom of speech and expression-everywhere
in the world.
The
second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way-everywhere
in the world.
The third
is freedom from want-which,
translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to
every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-everywhere
in the world.
The fourth
is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide
reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough manner that no
nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any
neighbor-anywhere
in the world.
That is
no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world
attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very
antithesis of the so-called "new order" of tyranny which the dictators seek to
create with the crash of a bomb.
To that
new order we oppose the greater conception-the
moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and
foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the
beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a
perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly,
adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the
quick-lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the co-operation of
free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This
nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of
freemen and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom
means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our sup-port goes to those who
struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is in our unity of
purpose.
To that
high concept there can be no end save victory.
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