|
佛蘭克林‧德拉諾‧羅斯福
(FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT)
首次就職演說
First Inaugural Address
我們唯一該懼伯的是懼怕本身──會使我們變後退為前進所需作出的努力癱瘓的那種不可名狀，失去理智，毫無根據的恐懼。
佛蘭克林‧德拉諾‧羅斯福(1882－1945)四次當選為總統，這是絕無僅有的。他領導國家闖過了大蕭條和第二次世界大戰這兩個難關。羅斯福出身紐約一個高貴的家族，畢業
於哈佛學院，與遠房堂妹埃莉諾‧羅斯福結婚，接著入哥倫比亞大學法學院學習。雖然羅斯福1921年患脊髓灰質炎導致雙腿癱瘓，他仍在1928年被選為紐約州州長。1932年羅斯福擊敗在職總統，共和黨人赫伯特‧胡佛，當選為美國總統。羅斯福是在美國歷史上最混亂、最危急的時期擔任總統的。儘管受到極左、極右兩方面的攻擊，他始終深孚眾望直至1945年4月12日死在總統崗位上。
當羅斯福1933年3月4日就任總統職務時，美國正遭受一場嚴重的經濟蕭條的折磨。數百萬人失業，人們對未來缺乏信心。羅斯福面臨兩大任務：第一，振奮全國人民的精神──這一點他以自己生氣勃勃，富有活力的個性做到了；第二，扶貧濟困，振興經濟。為達到達第二個目標，羅斯福運用聯邦政府的權力積極干預經濟活動，制訂被稱為新政的一系列社會和經濟計劃。在實施新政的過程中他很快便將這篇演說裏自己關於削減政府開支和平衡聯邦預算的誓言擱置一旁。
值此我就任總統之際，我的美國同胞們肯定期望我以我國當前形勢所要求的坦率和果斷來發表演說。現在的確是到了坦白而勇敢地講明真相，講明全部事實情形的時候了。我們不必怯於老老實實地面對我國今天的情況。這個偉大的國家過去歷經磨難，今後仍將經受考驗，將恢復生機，繁榮興旺。因此，首先允許我申明自己的堅定信念：我們唯一該懼怕的是懼怕本身──會使我們變後退為前進所需作出的努力癱瘓的那種不可名狀，失去理智，毫無根據的恐懼。在我國歷史上每一個黑暗的時刻，坦誠而有魄力的領導都曾得到人民的理解和支援，這正是勝利的保證。我堅信，在當前這一關鍵時刻，你們會再一次給領導以支援。
我和你們都以這樣一種精神來面對共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只涉及物質方面。幣值貶低到荒謬的程度；賦稅增加；我們的償付能力下降；各級政府收入銳減；貿易流通渠道交易手段僵化；產業界歎殘枝敗葉比比皆是；農場主愁自己的產品找不到市場；千萬個家庭的多年積蓄化為烏有。
更嚴重的是，大批失業公民面臨嚴酷的生存問題，另有大批公民辛勤勞動卻所得甚微。只有愚蠢的樂觀主義者才會否認目前的陰暗現實。
但是我們的危難並不是源於實質上的失敗。我們沒有遭受蝗災。我們的祖先信仰堅定，無所畏懼，因而所向披靡。比起他們遇到的艱難險阻，我們尚可謂萬幸。大自然繼續施恩布澤，而人的努力使其倍增。富足就站在我們的門口，然而現成的物資卻激發不起對富足充分慷慨的利用。這首先是因為人類商品交換的掌管者們頑固而又無能，他們已承認失敗，自動退位。無恥的貨幣兌換商為人類的思想感情所唾棄，在輿論的法庭上被宣判有罪。……
幸福並不是建築在僅僅擁有金錢上；它建築在取得成就的歡欣和創造性工作的激動上。切莫在瘋狂地追逐瞬息即逝的利潤中忘記工作帶來的歡樂和精神鼓舞。我們在這些陰暗的日子裏付出的代價將是完全值得的，如果這些時日教育我們認識到，我們不該聽憑命運擺佈，而應讓命運為我們自己和我們的同胞服務。……
我們的首要任務是給人們工作。只要我們明智而勇敢地對待它，這並不是無法解決的問題。這個任務通過政府直接徵募人員可以得到部分完成，就像我們應付戰時緊急狀態那樣，同時通過僱用這些人員來完成急需工程，以促進和改革我們對自然資源的利用。
與此同時，我們必須坦率地承認，我們的那些工業中心已人口過剩；應在全國範圍調整人口佈局，盡力把土地提供給最善於耕種的人，使土地得到更好的利用。為了幫助這項任務的完成，要採取具體措施提高農產品價格，從而提高對我們城市產品的購買力。要從現實出發制止對小房產和農場取消抵押品贖回權所造成的日趨嚴重的悲慘損失。要堅持由聯邦、各州和地方政府立即按大幅度削減費用的要求採取行動。要把目前常常是分散、浪費和不公平的救濟工作統一起來。要把一切形式的交通運輸和其他明確屬於公用事業的設施置於國家的計劃和監督之下。總之，很多方法有助於這項任務的完成，唯有空談無濟於事。我們必須行動，迅速採取行動。
最後，在恢復工作的進程中我們需要防止舊秩序弊端再現的兩項保護措施；必須嚴格監督一切銀行存款、信貸和投資；必須制止利用他人的金錢進行投機活動，必須提供充足而數量合理的貨幣。
這些便是我們的對策。我即將向新的國會特別會議提出實行這些方針的具體措施，我將要求各州立即提供援助。通過實施這一行動綱領，我們將致力於整頓國內經濟，平衡收支。
在對外政策方面，我國將奉行睦鄰政策──決心尊重自己，因為尊重自己所以也尊重他人的權利──履行自己的義務，也履行與世界大家庭和世界各國所訂協定中所規定的神聖義務。
如果我對我國人民的情緒體會得正確，那麼我們現在比過去任何時候更深切地認識到：我們之間互相依存，血肉相連；我們不能只圖索取，不求貢獻；我們必須像一支訓練有素，忠貞不渝的軍隊那樣向前邁進，這支軍隊願意為了共同的紀律作出犧牲，因為沒有這樣的紀律就不可能取得進步，就不可能實現卓有成效的領導。我知道我們願意並隨時準備為共同的紀律獻出生命財產，因為只有這樣才能實施以更高利益為目標的領導。我願意擔任這樣的領導，保證出現戰時才可能激起的責任感、統一性，使這些更高的目標成為我們全體人民不容推卸的義務。
作出了這項保證後，我將毫不猶豫地領導我國人民組成的大軍，以嚴明的紀律去戰勝我們面臨的共同困難。
我們既然有從祖先那裏繼承下來的政府形式，為這一目的以這種方式採取行動便是可行的。我們的憲法簡明而講求實際，總是可能根據特殊的需要在重點和安排上有所改變而無損於它的基本形式。正因為如此，我們的立憲體制不愧為現代世界所產生的最穩定持久的政治結構。它經受了領土大擴張、對外戰爭、痛苦的內亂和國際關係的考驗。
但願正常的行政和立法分權足以應付我們所面臨的空前的重任。然而史無前例的要求和迅即行動的需要也可能使我們不得不暫時偏離公共程序的正常均衡。
我準備根據憲法賦予我的職責提出一個災難深重的國家在一個災難深重的世界中所必須採取的措施。這些措施或國會依據其經驗和智慧所制訂的其他類似措施，我將在憲法賦予我的許可權內儘快予以採納。
但是，倘若國會竟不肯接受這兩個方針中的一個，倘若國家的緊急狀況仍然嚴重，我將決不迴避顯然義不容辭的責任。我將向國會要求對付危機的最後手段──向緊急狀況開戰的廣泛行政權力，如同確實遭受外敵入侵時應該授予我的大權。
對於給予我的信任，我將以順應時代的勇氣和忠誠作為回報。我決不辜負眾望。……
I am certain that my fellow
Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them
with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and
boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.
This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to
fear is fear itself－nameless,
unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert
retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of
frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people
themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again
give the support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They
concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic
levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds
is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in
the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every
side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in
thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish
optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no
plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our fore-fathers conquered
because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful
for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty
is at our door-steps, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of
the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's
goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence,
have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money
changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts
and minds of men. . . .
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of
achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of
work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These
dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny
is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.
. . .
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable
problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by
direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat
the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment,
accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our
natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population
in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a
redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best
fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the
values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output
of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the
growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be
helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act
forth-with on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be
helped by the unifying of relief activities which to-day are often scattered,
uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and
supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other
utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which
it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must
act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards
against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict
supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to
speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an
adequate but sound currency.
There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in
special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the
immediate assistance of the several States. Through this program of action we
address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income
balance outgo....
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the
good neighbor－the
neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the
rights of others－the
neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his
agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never
realized before our interdependence on each other; that we cannot merely take
but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a
trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline,
because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes
effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to
such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger
good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon
us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time
of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great
army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government
which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and
practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in
emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our
constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political
mechanism the modem world has produced. It has met every stress of vast
expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world
relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority
may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be
that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for
temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a
stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or
such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom,
I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,
and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not
evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the
Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis－broad
Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that
would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that
befit the time. I can do no less, . . .
|