常 識
Common Sense

(Library of Congress)

啊，你們這些熱愛人類的人！你們這些不但敢反對暴政而且敢反對暴君的人，請站到前面來！

托馬斯‧潘恩(1737－1809)生於英格蘭一個貧苦家庭，父親是教友派信徒，母親是英國教教徒。他十三歲輕學跟父親幹活，學做婦女緊身褡。他試幹過各種職業，但沒有一個成功的。在倫敦遇到班哲明‧富蘭克林之後，他於1774年末移民到北美殖民地，並找到《賓夕法尼亞雜誌》的編輯工作。那時英國和殖民地之間的關係十分緊張，潘恩很快就捲進衝突。1775年4月l 9日的列剋星敦和康柯德的戰鬥之後，潘恩得出結論，這次起義的目的不僅要反對不公正的稅制，而且要支援全面獨立。1776年1月10日，他發表了一本五十頁的小冊子，書中對他的論點作了詳細解釋。這本小冊子立即引起轟動，三個月內售出十多萬冊。在一個人口僅二百五十萬的殖民地裏，可能總共售出了五十萬冊。潘恩的《常識》比任何一個出版物都更能說服當時的公眾輿論文持北美從不列顛獨立出來。

關於英美之間的鬥爭這個題目，人們已經寫過好多卷書籍。各階層的人們出於不同的動機，抱著各種目的，參加了這場爭論；但一切都毫無效果，現在論戰已經結束了……

我聽見有人硬是這樣說：既然北美在以前同大不列顛發生聯繫時曾經繁榮過，那麼為了它將來的幸福，同樣的聯繫是必要的，並且總會產生同樣的效果。沒有任何論證比這更錯誤的了。你還不如說，因為一個孩子是吃奶長大的，所以他永遠不該吃肉，或者說，我們一生的開頭二十年應該成為第二個二十年的先例。可是即便這樣也是言過其實的說法，因為我可以直率地說，假如沒有歐洲列強注意她的話，北美照樣能夠繁榮，或許還更興旺。北美賴以致富的貿易，屬於生活必需的，只要歐洲人還有飲食的食慣，它總不會沒有市場。

可是有人說歐洲保護了我們。不錯，她是把我們壟斷了，而且她花我們的錢和她自己的錢來保衛北美大陸，這也是事實；不過，出於同樣的動機，也就是說為了貿易和統治權，她也會保衛土耳其的。

唉！我們長期以來受到歷史偏見的迷惑，為迷信作了很大了犧牲。我們曾自誇受大不列顛的保護，不去注意她的動機是利益而不是情誼；她並沒有為了我們而保護我們免遭我們的敵人的侵犯，她是為了保護她自己免受她的敵人的侵犯的，甚至為了其他緣故，要保護她自己免受那些與我們本無爭執的人的侵犯，但是由於同樣的原因，這些與我們本無爭執的人將會永遠成為我們的敵人。如果英國放棄對北美大陸的權利，或者北美大陸擺脫對英國的依賴，那麼，萬一法國與西班牙同英國發生戰爭，我們還可以與他們保持和平……

可是有人說英國是祖國，是我們的父母。那麼她的所作所為就格外丟臉，豺狼尚不食其子，野蠻人也不同親屬作戰；因此，那種說法如果是正確的話，那正是對它的譴責；可是那種說法恰恰是不正確的，或者只是部分正確，而英王和他的一夥幫閒陰險地採用「父母之邦」或「母國」這種詞，含有卑鄙的天主教意圖，想利用我們輕信的弱點讓我們相信他那不公正的偏見。歐洲，而不是英國，才是北美的父母之邦。這個新世界曾經成為歐洲各地受迫害的酷愛公民自由與宗教自由的人士的避難所。他們逃到這裏來，並不是要逃出母親溫柔的懷抱，而是要躲避魔鬼暴虐；把第一批移民逐出鄉里的那種暴政，還在追逐著他們的後代，這話對英國來說至今還是千真萬確的……

我要求那些最熱心鼓吹和解的人指出北美大陸由於同大不列顛保持聯繫而能得到的哪怕一點好處。我們的穀物將在歐洲任何市場上售出好價錢，而我們的進口貨物一定要在我們願意購買的地方成交。

但是，我們由於同英國保持聯繫而遭到的危害和損失是不勝枚舉的；我們對全人類以及對我們自己的責任指導我們拒絕這種聯盟：因為對大不列顛的任何屈從或依附，都會立刻招這個大陸捲入歐洲的各種戰爭和爭執，使我們同一些國家發生衝突，而那些國家本來是願意爭取我們的友誼的，我們對它們也是沒有憤怒或不滿的理由的。既然歐洲是我們的貿易市場，我們就應當同歐洲任何部分保持不偏不倚的關係。北美的真正利益在於避開歐洲的各種紛爭，如果由於它依附英國而變成英國政治天平上的一個小小的砝碼。它就永遠不能置身於紛爭之外。歐洲王國林立，不可能長期保持和平狀態，一旦英國和任何外國之間爆發戰爭，北美由於她同不列顛的聯 繫，在貿易上一定會遭到毀滅。下一次的戰爭也許結果不會像上一次一樣，而如果有所不同的話，現在鼓吹和解的人，那時就會希望分離了，因為在那種情況下，中立將是一支更安全的護航隊而不是一個小卒。凡是正確或自然的東西都會祈求分離，被殺死的人的鮮血及造化的 啜泣聲在喊著：現在是分離的時候了。甚至上帝在英國和北美之間設置這麼遠的距離，也有力地而劇順理成章地證明，英國對北美行使權力這點決不是上蒼的意圖……

許多人住的地點，離目前發生不幸事件的現場很遠，這是他們的運氣；禍害並沒有完全降臨到他們的門口，使他們感到北美的全部財產岌岌可危。可是讓我們的想像力把我們帶到波士頓去一會兒吧；那充滿災難的地點會教我們學得聰明一些，而且會指引我們同我們不能加以信任的政權斷絕關係。那個不幸城市的居民，僅在幾個月前還過著安樂富裕的生活，可是他們現在除了呆在那裏挨餓或出外求乞外，沒有別的辦法。如果他們繼續留在城裏，就有遭朋友的炮火轟擊的危險，而如果他們離開，又會遭到軍隊的洗劫；在目前的情況下，他們是一些沒有超度希望的囚徒，在發起總攻來救助他們的時候，他們將暴露在雙方軍隊的猛烈炮火之下……

可是，如果你們說，你們還能容忍那些侵犯，那麼我倒要請教，你們的房屋有沒有被燒掉?你們的財產是否在你們面前被破壞?你的妻兒是否還有床鋪睡覺，有麵包充飢?你們的父母兒女是否曾遭他們的毒手，而你們自己是不是在顛沛流離中死裏逃生的呢?如果你們沒有過這些遭遇，你們就不能體會那些有過這種遭遇的人的心情。但如果你遭了殃，你還能同兇手握手言歡，那麼你便不配稱為丈夫、父親、朋友和情人，並且不管你這一輩子的地位和頭銜如何，你都是個膽小鬼和馬屁精…..

所有爭取和平的溫和的方法都沒有奏效。我們的歷次懇求都被鄙夷地一口回絕；這使我們相信，沒有什麼比反覆請願更能取悅國王們的虛榮心並證實他們的頑固了──而且只有那種做法最能助長歐洲國王們的專制。丹麥和瑞典就是很好的例子。因此，既然抵抗才有效力，那麼為了上帝，讓我們達到最後的分離，不要讓下一代人，在遭受侮辱的毫無意義的父子關係的名義下趨於滅亡。

如果說他們不會想再那麼幹了，那是單憑想像而沒有根據的；我們對於印花稅法曾抱有這樣的想法，然而一兩年的工夫就打破了我們的迷夢；否則我們也可以認為那些已經被打敗的國家將永遠不會再尋釁了。

至於說到統治的問題，英國是無法以公平合理的態度來對待這個大陸的：它的事務不久就會十分紛繁，這不是一個離我們這麼遠，對我們這樣無知的國家用種種權宜之計所能經營的，因為，如果他們不能征服我們，他們便無法統治我們。為了一件事情或一項申請要經常奔波三四千英里，為了答覆要等待四五個月，而得到批覆以後，又需要五六個月來加以解釋，這種情況不出幾年功夫就會被看作是荒唐和幼稚的行徑。如果過去有一段時間它是適當的，那麼現在便是使它不再存在的適當時期了。

那些不能自衛的小島，是一些王國把它們置於保護之下的適當物件；但是，如果認為一個大陸可以永遠受一個島嶼的統治，那不免有些荒謬。在自然界，從來沒有使衛星大於它的主星的先例；既然英國和北美在彼此的關係上違反自然的一般規律，那麼顯然他們是屬於不同的體系。英國屬於歐洲，北美屬於它自己……

有人說，那麼北美的國王在哪兒呢?朋友，我要告訴你，他在天上統治著，不像大不列顛皇家畜生那樣殘害人類。還是讓我們莊嚴地規定一天來宣佈憲章，希望我們哪怕在世俗的德行方面也不要有缺點；讓我們發表的憲章以神法和聖經為依據；讓我們為憲章加冕、從而使世人知道，就贊成君主制而言，在北美法律就是國王。因為，正如在專制政府中，國王便是法律一樣，在自由國家中法律便應該成為國王，而且不應該有其它的作用。但為了預防以後發生濫用至高權威的流弊，那就不妨在典禮結束時，取消國王這一稱號，把它分散給有權享受這種稱號的人民。

組織我們自己的政府，乃是我們天賦的權利。當一個人如真考慮到世事的動盪時，他就會深深地相信，我們盡力以冷靜審慎的態度來組織我們自己的政權形武，要比把這樣一個重大問題交給時間和機會去支配，來得無限的聰明和安全……

你們這些勸我們重視融洽與和解的人，能不能把已經消逝的時間重新交還給我們呢？你們能不能把過去的純潔還給娼妓呢?你們要使英國與北美和解，也是辦不到的。現在最後一根紐帶已經斷了，英國人正在大放厥詞攻擊我們。所造成的損害是天理難容的。如果天理會寬恕的話，那就不成其為天理了。既然情人不會寬恕強姦他情婦的人，北美大陸也就不能寬恕英國的那些殺人兇手。上帝已賦予我們執著追求好的和明智的東西的不可泯滅的感情。這種感情保護了我們心中上帝的形象，而且使我們不同於普通的動物群體。假如我們麻木無情，社會契約就會解體，公道就會在世上絕跡，或者不過偶然存在。假如我們所感受的侮辱不能激怒我們起來要求伸張正義，強盜和殺人兇手將會常常追逐法外。

啊，你們這些熱愛人類的人!你們這些不但敢反對暴政而且敢反對暴君的人，請站到前面來！舊世界到處壓迫猖撅。自由到處遭到追逐。亞洲和非洲早已把她逐出。歐洲把她當作異己分子，而英國已經對她下了逐客令。啊，接待這個逃亡者，及時地為人類準備一個避難所吧！

Thomas Paine

Common Sense

Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs: but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. . . .

    I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connection with Great Britain, the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thriven upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true; for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power taken any notice of her. The commerce by which she hath enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe.

   But she has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is true, and defended the continent at our expense as well as her own is admitted; and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, viz., for the sake of trade and dominion.

    Alas! we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of Great Britain without considering that her motive was interest, not attachment; and that she did not protect us from our enemies on our account, but from her enemies on her own account, from those who had no quarrel with us on any other account, but who will always be our enemies on the same account. Let Britain waive her pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the dependence, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they at war with Britain. . . .

    But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families; wherefore, the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, and the phrase parent or mother country hath been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low, papistical design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of a mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still. . . .

    I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation to show a single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we will.

    But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instructs us to renounce the alliance: because any submission to, or dependence on, Great Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels, and sets us at variance with nations who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of it. "Tis the true interest of America to steer clear of European contentions, which she never can do while by her dependence on Britain she is made the make weight in the scale of British politics.

    Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin, because of her connection with Britain. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then, because neutrality in that case would be a safer convoy than a man of war. Everything that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, 'TIS TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America is a strong and natural proof that the authority of the one over the other, was never the design of heaven. . . .

    It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of present sorrow; the evil is not sufficiently brought to their doors to make them feel the precariousness with which all American property is possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to Boston; that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us forever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence, have now no other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn out to beg. Endangered by the fire of their friends if they continue within the city, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it, in their present situation they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for their relief they would be exposed to the fury of both armies....

    But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath your house been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before your face? Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have not, then you are not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and can still shake hands with the murderers, then you are unworthy the name of husband, father, friend, or lover; and whatever may be your rank or title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant. . . .

    Every quiet method for peace hath been in effectual. Our prayers have been rejected with disdain; and have tended to convince us that nothing flatters vanity or confirms obstinacy in kings more than repeated petitioning--and nothing hath contributed more than that very measure to make the kings of Europe absolute. Witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God』s sake let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats under the violated unmeaning names of parent and child.

    To say they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary; we thought so as the repeal of the stamp act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations which have been once defeated will never renew the quarrel.

    As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent justice: the business of it will soon be too weighty and intricate to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a power so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which, when obtained, requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness. There was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease.

    Small islands not capable of protecting themselves are the proper objects for kingdoms to very absurd in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet; and as England and America, with respect to each other, reverse the common order of nature, it is evident that they belong to different systems. England to Europe: America to itself…

    But where, say some, is the king of America? I』ll tell you, friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of Great Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the Word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America THE LAW is KING. For as in absolute governments the king is law, so in free countries the law ought to BE king, and there ought to be no other. But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it is.

    A government of our own is our natural right; and when a man seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer to form a constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time and chance. . . .

    Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us the time that is passed? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last cord now is broken; the people of England are presenting addresses against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of his image in our hearts. They distinguish us from the herd of common animals. The social compact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated from the earth, or have only a casual existence, were we callous to the touches of affection. The robber and the murderer would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, provoke us into justice.

    0 ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose not only the tyranny but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia and Africa have long expelled her. Europe regards her like a stranger, and England hath given her warning to depart. 0 receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind.