伍德羅‧威爾遜 (WOODROW WILSON)

關於宣戰對國會的演講 War Message to Congress

世界應該讓民主享有安全。

    1914年夏，歐洲的同盟國(德國和奧甸帝國)與協約國(英國、法國和俄國)之間爆發了戰爭。美國人從未參與歐洲的戰爭，而且伍德羅‧威爾遜總統宣稱，美國人應當「名符其實地保持中立……表裏一致地保持公正。」華盛頓和傑斐遜的這一重要規定經門羅主義得到進一步強調，即美國應避免捲入國際政治鬥爭。但事實證明，保持中立是十分困難的。1915年5月，一艘德國潛艇擊沈了英國客輪 「露西塔尼亞」號，包括一百二十八名美國人在內共有約一千二百人喪生，於是輿論譁然。

        1916年威爾遜仰賴「他使我們避開了戰爭」這一口號在總統競選中再次獲勝。威爾遜認為他能夠促使交戰的雙方和解，因此將助手派往歐洲，試圖找到可能結束戰爭的條件。1917年1月，威爾遜對國會發表講話，談及他正努力尋找一個方案以達到 「沒有勝利的和平」，即既無贏家也無輸家的解決辦法，一個將由國際「和平聯盟」確保的解決辦法。威爾遜頗有遠見地警告說，一種帶懲罰性質的和平會給另一場歐洲衝突種下禍根。

       德國保證不再突然襲擊非武裝船隻，但在1917年初重新開始了毫無節制的潛艇進攻，擊沈了幾艘美國商船。威爾遜對德國的政策忍無可忍，遂於1917年4月2日請求國會批准宣戰。這裏節錄的威爾遜關於宣戰的演講，將一百多萬美軍投入世界歷史上最血腥的衝突之一。

       大戰結束時，威爾遜倡議建立國際聯盟。當他從歐洲召開的和會返回美國時，肩負爭取民眾支援和平條約和國際聯盟的任務，因為共和黨人已控制了參議院。他的跨國旅行日程安排太緊，損害了健康。l 919年9月威爾遜終於病倒，無法繼續承擔總統職責。

    ……今年1月3日我正式通知你們，德意志帝國政府為表了異乎尋常的通告，宣稱從1月1日起它的宗旨是把法律的限制或仁慈的考慮統統拋置一邊，用它的潛艇去擊沈任何駛近英國和愛爾蘭港口的船隻，或駛近歐洲西海岸或地中海內德國的敵人所控制的任何港口的船隻。這似乎是德國潛艇戰在大戰之初的目標。但從去年4月起，德意志帝國對其潛艇指揮官們多少有所限制，以實踐當時它對我們許下的諾言即不擊沈客輪，對其他它的潛艇可能摧毀的船隻，只要不作抵抗、留在原地，便會向它們預先發出警告，而且讓它們的船員至少有機會在不設防的船上逃生。在殘酷無情的戰爭中，一樁樁令人悲痛的事件證明，德方的克制是很不夠的，而且帶有任意性，但確實有一定程度的節制。而新政策把任何限制都取消了。任何種類的船隻，不論它掛什麼旗，具有什麼性質，載什麼貨，駛向何處，完成什麼使命，全都被擊沈，不給預先警告，也全然不顧船上人員的死活；友好中立國的船隻與敵國的船隻同樣對待。甚至連醫護船以及向比利時死傷慘重的人民運送救濟物資的船隻──後者被德國政府允許安全通過禁海而且帶有明確無誤的標記──同樣也被喪失同情心和原則性的德軍擊沈。

    有一度我無法相信，這種行徑竟然真是一個一貫贊同文明世界人道慣例的政府的所作所為。國際法起源於人類試圖制訂的某種的海洋上得到尊重和遵守的法律，該法律規定，任何國家無權統治海洋，世界各國的船隻都可以在海上自由航行。……德國政府以報復和必需為藉口，已將這起碼的法律規定一腳踢開，因為德國在海上除了毫不顧忌人道，蔑視對國際交往的共識，窮兵黷武之外，幹不了什麼別的事。我現在想到的不是德國在海上造成的財產損失，儘管損失慘重，而是對大批平民生命肆無忌憚的屠殺，而這些男人、婦女和兒童所追求的目標向來──甚至在現代歷史最黑暗的時期──被認為是無辜和合法的。財產可以賠償，而和平無辜人民的生命則無法賠償。目前德國對付海上貿易的潛艇戰其實是以人類為敵。

    這是針對所有國家的戰爭。美國船隻被擊沈，美國公民葬身海底，消息傳來令人震驚。但其他中立或友好國家的船隻和人員在海上遭到相同的厄運，沒有什麼差別。這是對整個人類的挑戰。每個國家必須獨自決定它應如何對付這一挑戰。我們必須適應我國的特點和宗旨審時度勢，謹慎考慮，以作出我們自己的決定。我們絕對不應感情用事。我們的動機既非為復仇也不是為了耀武揚威，而僅僅是為維護權利，維護人權，在這場鬥爭中我們國家僅僅是一名鬥士……

    我深刻認識到我正採取的步驟的嚴重乃至悲劇的性質，以及它所包含的重大責任，但是我對履行自己由憲法規定的義務毫不遲疑。正是以這樣的態度我建議國會宣佈，德意志帝國最近的行動事實上已是對美國政府和人民發動了戰爭；美國正式接受已強加於它的交戰國地位；美國將立即行動，不僅使國家處於完全的防禦狀態，而且將竭盡全力，使用一切手段迫使德國政府屈服，結束戰爭。……

    當我們採取行動，這些重大行動的時候，我們自己應當清楚，也應讓全世界明白我們的動機和目的是什麼。……我們的目的……是維護國際生活的和平與正義的原則，反對自私和專制的力量，我們要在世界上真正自由和自治的各國人民之中確立一種意志與行動的概念，有了它就能保證這些原則得到遵循。當問題涉及世界和平，涉及世界各國人民的自由時，當組織起來的勢力支援某些專制政府按自己的意志而非人民的意志獨斷專行，從而對世界人民的和平與自由構成威脅時，中立便不再是可行或可取的了。我們看到，在這種情況下中立已成為歷史。我們處在一個新時代的開端，在這個時代中人們堅決要求，凡文明國家每個公民遵循的關於行為和承擔罪責的準則，各個國家和它們的政府也必須同樣遵循。

    我們與德國人民之間不存齟齬。對他們，我們除了同情和友誼沒有別的情感。他們的政府投入戰爭並不是因為人民的推動，他們事先一無所知，並未表示贊同。決定打這場戰爭與過去不幸的歲月中決定打一場戰爭的方式相同。舊時統治者從不徵求人民的意見，戰爭的挑起和發動全都是為著王朝的利益或是為野心勃勃的人組成的小集團的利益，這些人慣 於利用同胞作為走卒和工具。……

    我們接受這一敵意的挑戰，因為我們知道與這樣一個採用這種手段的政府是絕對不可做朋友的；只要它組織起來的力量埋伏著準備實現不可告人的目的，世界上一切民主政府便無法得到安全保障。我們接受的將是一場與這個自由的天敵展開的宏大戰役，如有必要，將動用我國的全部力量去制止和粉碎敵人的意圖和勢力。我們感到欣慰，因為敵人撕去偽善的面紗，使我們看清了真相，這樣我們將為世界最終和平，為世界各國人民包括德國人民的解放而戰：為大大小小各國的權利和世界各地人們選擇自己的生活與服從權威的方式的特權而戰。世界應該讓民主享有安全。世界和平應建立在政治自由歷經考驗的基礎上。我們沒有什麼私利可圖。我們不想要征服，不想要統治。我們不為自己索取賠償，對我們將慷慨作出的犧牲不求物質補償。我們只不過是為人類權利而戰的鬥士之一。當各國的信念和自由能確保人類權利不可侵犯之時，我們將心滿意足。

    在我們面前很可能有曠日持久的戰火考驗和慘重犧牲。把我們偉大、愛好和平的人民領入戰爭是件可怕的事。因為這場戰爭是有史以來最血腥最殘酷的，甚至文明自身似已岌岌可危。然而權利比和平更寶貴。我們將為自己一向最珍惜的東西而戰──為了民主，為人民服從權威以求在自己的政府中擁有發言權，為弱小國家的權利和自由，為自由的各國人民和諧一致共同享有權利以給所有國家帶來和平與安全，使世界本身最終獲得自由。為完成這樣一個任務，我們可以獻出我們的生命財產，獻出我們自己以及我們所有的一切；我們滿懷自豪，因為我們知道，這樣的一天已經到來：美國有幸得以用她的鮮血和力量捍衛那些原則，正是它們給予她生命和快樂，給予她一向珍視的和平。上帝保佑她，她別無選擇。

...On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.

      I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. . . . This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.

      It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion. . . .

      With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war. . . .

      While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. . . . Our object. . . is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and selfgoverned peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth insure the observance of those principles. Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.

      We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools....

      We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a Government, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized powder, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic Governments of the world. We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them....

      There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts,－for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own Governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, "with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.