弗雷德裏克‧道格拉斯
(FREDERICK DOUGLASS)

在全國黑人大會上的發言
Speech at the National Convention of Colored Men

追求和鬥爭換取的自由比他人施予的自由更為珍貴。

國內戰爭以後來納了三條憲法修正案以保障黑人的各項權利：第十三條修正案廢止苦役和強迫勞役，第十四條修正案賦予每個出生在合眾國或歸化合眾國的人以公民的身份，並禁止任何州政府未經適當法律程式制定任何剝奪公民的各項權利或他們的生命、自由和財產的法律；第十五條修正案保證公民的選舉權。國會於1875年還通過了一項「公民權法案」，該法案禁止在旅館、公交車輛和劇院等公共場所的種族歧視行為。許多白人開始相信黑人完全受法律和憲法的保護。1877年國家軍隊從南方撤出，「重建運動」就此告終。

正當許多白人因為做了那些可能而且必要的工作而感到心滿意足的時候，黑人還繼續處於極度貧困和文盲的狀況，還繼續受到種族歧視。黑人領袖們試圖組織發展黑人的政治力量，然而他們的努力卻被看成是在製造分裂。

1883年9月24日，大演說家弗雷德裏克‧道格拉斯在肯塔基州的路易斯威爾城召開的全國黑人大會上做了演講，並且就黑人為什麼要為自己的權利而鬥爭的原因做了闡釋。僅在三個星期之後。美國最高法院於1883年10月l 5日就推翻了1875年的公民權法案，並互宣稱公共場所的種族歧視現象與憲法並不矛盾。失去法律的支援，戰後憲法修正案在南方成了一紙空文，而採納強制推行種族隔離的「歧視黑人法」的意向卻昭然若揭。

經常有人明顯帶著驚訝和厭煩的口氣問我們：「這個國家的黑人除了他們已經得到的東西還能要些什麼呢?而且還能給他們些什麼呢?」據說他們過去曾經是奴隸，而現在自由了；他們過去曾經是庶民，而現在成了君主；他們過去曾經被排除在美國所有的憲法之外，如今卻被包括在所有的法律之中，而且成了公認的那一部分公民。那麼，他們為什麼要召開全國黑人大會，因而在他們自己和白人同胞之間劃上一道色線呢?我們並不否認這些問題的中肯性和其中的道理，也不退縮迴避坦率地答覆這些問題可能包括的論點。因為我們並沒有忘記在那些向我們提出這類問題的人們中間不僅有一些對我們根本不予以同情的人，同時也有許多對我們寄予良好祝願的人，而且不管怎麼說他們也應該得到一個答覆。……

如果對我們來說自由只是徒有其名，公民的身份只是一種欺騙，而選舉權至今也只是一個無情的嘲弄，我們也還可以因為這個國家法律的健全、公正和寬厚而感到慶幸。因為只要一個民族的法律是公正的，不論它當時是否符合他們的需要，這個民族就還有希望。然而，在這個國家使它的實際行動與它的憲法和公正的法律不發生矛盾之前不宜指責這個國家的黑人要求保留這一道色線──因為這些人如果由於擔心突出他們的膚色而對加害於他們的各種欺詐 凌辱逆來順受，結果只能證明他們甚至簡直不配享有理論上的自由，事實上的自由就更不用說了。根據做人的每一個原則，他們都應該以他們自己的名義，代表他們自己召集會議，當眾訴苦，並且在他們的權力許可的情況下針對他們所遭受的欺壓凌辱進行逐一有組織的抗議。他不應理睬那些怯懦的建議，而要把旗幟掛到外面的牆上。

要獲得自由的人們就得自己參加戰鬥。我們不相信人們經常對我們說的那句話：黑人是民族家庭中的醜兒，越是不讓他們拋頭露面，對他們就越有好處。大家知道，追求和鬥爭換取的自由比他人施予的自由更為珍貴。要相信這句話：人們不太關心那些不關心自己的人。……

如果這個國家的六百萬黑人，以合眾國的憲法為武器，用他們自己的一百萬張選票，再加上幾百萬關心人權呼聲的白人的支援，還沒有足夠的勇氣和智慧組織聯合起來保護自己不受欺凌、歧視和壓迫的話，那麼指望民主黨或其他的哪一個政黨來把他們組織聯合起來或讓它來關心他們的狀況也是不會有什麼用處的。人類可能聯合起來保護動物不受到傷害，因為它們不會開口講話，也不能為它們自己的利益說些什麼；但我們是人，而且必須為我們自己的利益說話，否則就根本無人替我們講話。美國有許多愛爾蘭會議，但要是愛爾蘭人不曾為他們自己說話，美國就不會有這樣的會議。是因為愛爾蘭人發出呼聲並且把他們的事擺在人們的眼前，別人這才會去幫助他們。當年也是因為華盛頓的兵力才使得拉法埃脫把兵力投入美國的獨立戰爭。總之在反對種族歧視的問題上，應該說我們是在這裏公開集會，我們的身邊沒有任何威脅。全國人民的眼睛都在看著我們。可能有一萬份報將選擇報道我們這會兒所說的和所做的一切。它們可能完全按照我們將表現出的明智或愚妄而讚揚或譴責我們。

我們老老實實地把自己擺在他們面前，並請他們對我們所做的事加以評判。

在我們提請你們認真注意的許多問題中有一個並非最為次要的問題，即南方勞動階級的狀況問題。他們的事業就是全世界勞動階級的事業。全國各地的工會都不應該拋棄這一部分有色的力量。……

勞動在各地所欠缺的、勞動所必需享有的以及勞動將來所索取和獲得的，就是每天辛辛苦苦的勞動所換取的這一整天辛勤勞動的報酬。隨著勞動者本身智力的增加，他們將提高資本的原有價值──這就是為保護自己而組織聯合起來的力量所在。從經驗中可以看出，將來也許會有一種奴隸工資。其滋味不比當奴隸受 凌辱好受多少，而這些領工資的奴隸也得和其他的奴隸一樣被征服。……

通過發放代金券的形式或發工資來欺騙南方勞動者的手法可謂最高明。它的特點是表面上公平合理，而實際上卻使勞動者得完全聽憑地主和店老闆的擺佈。勞動者就像被夾在上下兩塊磨石之間，最終被碾成粉末。這一手段使勞動者只能到一家商店購物，因此他除了剩下自己本來就不多的是非感以外就毫無公平買賣的動機可言。由於這些代金券僅僅是一些一錢不值的仲介物，勞動者總覺得無論吃虧多少總得把它們花光。這樣就使得他們開始鋪張起來，其結果又使他們變得一貧如洗。

店老闆們用最次的商品要最高的價來打發這些勞動者，而且可以對他們說就買這些東西，否則什麼也別想買到。更糟糕的是，這種做法使勞動者背上了債，因而總是受地主的擺佈。如果地主不這樣做，而是把土地租給自由民耕種，每公頃土地一年所索取的租金就要高出出售這塊土地的價錢。遇到這種欺詐無理的做法，人們不免感到怒不可遏──大發起脾氣來。據說黑人要是對這種獲取他們勞動的條件感到不滿，可以讓他們到別處去於活。這是壓迫者想出的一個最沒良心的建議。多年來，黑人所支取的勞動報酬僅是一些在指定商店以外毫無價值的代金券。除此以外他們身無分文，而且由於這種狡詐的手段，他們被束縛在地主的手中。所以，如果黑人聽說可以到別處去而真要走，這些地主就可以逮捕他，而且他們以往總是這麼做的。……

在一個像我們這樣的一個由人民執政的國家裏，各階層青年的教育對國家的幸福、財富和它的生存都是極為重要的，這是得到普遍承認的事實。

根據這一前提，當愛國的人們見到1880年統計數位所顯示的令人吃驚的普遍文盲現象時無一不感到震驚。

如何克服這一弊端的問題是一個嚴肅的問題。當然，指望有錢人的善舉和社會的義行是不夠的。普遍存在文盲現象的那些州無法而且也不願意為他們的年輕人提供足夠的教育手段。然而，無論這種現像有多麼嚴重，全國人民總是直接關心生活在這塊土地上的每一個孩子的教育。任何一部分美國人的無知都會引起其他美國人的極大關注。所以毫無疑問，人們有權通過那些強迫孩子們上學的法律。……

國家政府有巨大的財力，能夠將健全之公立小學教育的福利送到全國每戶窮人的家裏。如果不給人們這一福利就是等於對永保江山社稷的最主要的保證置而不顧。做為美國人民中的一部分。我們必須十分重視團結那些已經談到這個問題的人們，必須和他們一起共同敦促國會在下一次會議上為扶助教育的重大國策打下基礎。……

就公民權方面對黑人所犯下的罪行是臭名昭著的，而通過三K黨的恐怖活動、密西西比規劃、詭詐計票法、薄紙投票等手段對我們的各種政治權利所犯下的罪行就更是惡貫滿盈、駭人聽聞、令人反感至極。在黑人居多的那三個州裏沒有黑人代表，他們的政治呼聲遭到壓制。實際上，這三個州的黑人公民被剝奪了公民權，憲法遭到蔑視，憲法條文不能生效。這一切部是發生在共和黨以及歷屆共和黨政府的眼皮底下。

偉大的奧康內爾曾經說過愛爾蘭的歷史可以像在人群中通過血跡追尋一個傷員那樣追溯到過去。南方黑人的歷史也完全可以說是一樣的情況。

他們在閃光的刀槍面前冒著生命的危險衝向投票箱。他們曾經被政府所摒棄而只好自長自滅。對他們來說根本就不存在美國的政府和憲法。

他們正在受到一個不顧天理、法律和憲法的，邪惡、殘暴和該死的陰謀集團的鎮壓。在這些不堪入目的情況面前，你怎麼能夠漠然處之?有哪些黑人領袖還能讓自己保持沈默?

這不是黨派的問題，這是法律和政府的問題。這是一個關係到人類應該受到法律的保護還是在無政府的腥風血浪中任入宰割的問題，是關係到由政府還是由烏合之眾治理這個國家的問題，是關係到憲法中莊嚴之下的諾言應該理直氣壯地付諸實踐還是卑鄙聲名狼藉地被撕毀的問題。在這個關鍵的問題上，我們要求每一個美國人都來注意監督我們的任何一種政治權力都不能為任何一個在選舉之前沒有答應行使政府、州和國家賦予他們的一切權力以保證黑人通往投票箱的道路與其他美國人的道路一樣平坦、筆直、安全的任何黨派的人服務。……

沒有任何一個階層或任何一種膚色的人應當成為這個國家裏排他的統治者，這是不言而喻的問題。如果存在這樣一種統治階級，那麼就當然存在被奴役階層，而且一旦出現這種情況，那麼這個民有、民治、民享的政府就要從地球上消失。

With apparent surprise, astonishment and impatience we have been asked: "What more can the colored people of this country want than they now have, and what more is possible to them?" It is said they were once slaves, they are now free; they were once subjects, they are now sovereigns; they were once outside of all American institutions, they are now inside of all and are a recognized part of the whole American people. Why, then, do they hold Colored National Conventions and thus insist upon keeping up the color line between themselves and their white fellow countrymen? We do not deny the pertinence and plausibility of these questions, nor do we shrink from a candid answer to the argument which they are supposed to contain. For we do not forget that they are not only put to us by those who have no sympathy with us, but by many who wish us well, and that in any case they deserve an answer. . . .

    If liberty, with us, is yet but a name, our citizenship is but a sham, and our suffrage thus far only a cruel mockery, we may yet congratulate ourselves upon the fact, that the laws and institutions of the country are sound, just and liberal. There is hope for a people when their laws are righteous, whether for the moment they conform to their requirements or not. But until this nation shall make its practice accord with its Constitution and its righteous laws, it will not do to reproach the colored people of this country with keeping up the color line－for that people would prove themselves scarcely worthy of even theoretical freedom, to say nothing of practical freedom, if they settled down in silent, servile and cowardly submission to their wrongs, from fear of making their color visible. They are bound by every element of manhood to hold conventions, in their own name, and on their own behalf, to keep their grievances before the people and make every organized protest against the wrongs inflicted upon them within their power. They should scorn the counsels of cowards, and hang their banner on the outer wall.

    Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow. We do not believe, as we are often told, that the Negro is the ugly child of the National family, and the more he is kept out of sight the better it will be for him. You know that liberty given is never so precious as liberty sought for and fought for. The man outraged is the man to make the outcry. Depend upon it, men will not care much for people who do not care for themselves. . . .

    If the six millions of colored people of this country, armed with the Constitution of the United States, with a million votes of their own to lean upon, and millions of white men at their back, whose hearts are responsive to the claims of humanity, have not sufficient spirit and wisdom to organize and combine to defend themselves from outrage, discrimination and oppression, it will be idle for them to expect that the Republican party or any other political party will organize and combine for them or care what becomes of them. Men may combine to prevent cruelty to animals, for they are dumb and cannot speak for themselves; but we are men and must speak for ourselves, or we shall not be spoken for at all. We have conventions in America for Ireland, but we should have none if Ireland did not speak for herself. It is because she makes a noise and keeps her cause before the people that other people go to her help. It was the sword of Washington that gave Independence the sword of Lafayette. In conclusion upon this color objection, we have to say that we meet here in open daylight. There is nothing sinister about us. The eyes of the nation are upon us. Ten thousand newspapers may tell if they choose of whatever is said and done here. They may commend our wisdom or condemn our folly, precisely as we shall be wise or foolish.

    We put ourselves before them as honest men, and ask their judgment upon our work.

     Not the least important among the subjects to which we invite your earnest attention is the condition of the laboring class at the South. Their cause is one with the laboring classes all over the world. The labor unions of the country should not throw away this colored element of strength....

     What labor everywhere wants, what it ought to have and will some day demand and receive, is an honest day's pay for an honest day's work. As the laborer becomes more intelligent he will develop what capital already possess－that is the power to organize and combine for its own protection. Experience demonstrates that there may be a wages of slavery only a little less galling and crushing in its effects than chattel slavery, and that this slavery of wages must go down with the other. . . .

    No more crafty and effective device for defrauding the Southern laborer could be adopted than the one that substitutes orders upon shopkeepers for currency in payment of wages. It has the merit of a show of honesty, while it puts the laborer completely at the mercy of the landowner and the shop-keeper. He is between the upper and the nether millstones and is hence ground to dust. It gives the shop-keeper a customer who can trade with no other storekeeper, and thus leaves the latter no motive for fair dealing except his own moral sense, which is never too strong. While the laborer holding the orders is tempted by their worthlessness as a circulating medium, to get rid of them at any sacrifice, and hence is led into extravagance and consequent destitution.

    The merchant puts him off with his poorest commodities at highest prices, and can say to him take those or nothing. Worse still. By this means the laborer is brought into debt, and hence is kept always in the power of the landowner. When this system is not pursued and land is rented to the freedman, he is charged more for the use of an acre of land for a single year than the land would bring in the market if offered for sale. On such a system of fraud and wrong one might well invoke a bolt from heaven－red with uncommon wrath.

     It is said if the colored people do not like the conditions upon which their labor is demanded and secured, let them leave and go elsewhere. A more heartless suggestion never emanated from an oppressor. Having for years paid them in shop orders, utterly worthless outside the shop to which they are directed, without a dollar in their pockets, brought by this crafty process into bondage to the land-owners, who can and would arrest them if they should attempt to leave them when they are told to go....

    It is everywhere an accepted truth, that in a country governed by the people, like ours, education of the youth of all classes is vital to its welfare, prosperity, and to its existence.

    In the light of this unquestioned proposition, the patriot cannot but view with a shudder the widespread and truly alarming illiteracy as revealed by the census of 1880.

    The question as to how this evil is to be remedied is an important one. Certain it is that it will not do to trust to the philanthropy of wealthy individuals or benevolent societies to remove it. The States in which this illiteracy prevails either cannot or will not provide adequate systems of education for their own youth. But however this may be, the fact remains that the whole country is directly interested in the education of every child that lives within its borders. The ignorance of any part of the American people so deeply concerns all the rest that there can be no doubt of the right to pass laws compelling the attendance of every child at school....

    The National Government, with its immense resources, can carry the benefits of a sound common-school education to the door of every poor man from Maine to Texas, and to withhold this boon is to neglect the greatest assurance it has of its own perpetuity. As a part of the American people we unite most emphatically with others who have already spoken on this subject, in urging Congress to lay the foundation for a great national system of aid to education at its next session. . . .

    Flagrant as have been the outrages committed upon colored citizens in respect to their civil rights, more flagrant, shocking and scandalous still have been the outrages committed upon our political rights, by means of bull-dozing and Kukiuxing, Mississippi plans, fraudulent counts, tissue ballots and the like devices. Three States in which the colored people outnumber the white population are without colored representation and their political voice suppressed. The colored citizens in those States are virtually disfranchised, the Constitution held in utter contempt and its provisions nullified. This has been done in the face of the Republican party and successive Republican Administrations.

    It was once said by the great O'Connell that the history of Ireland might be traced like a wounded man through a crowd by the blood, and the same may be truly said of the history of the colored voters of the South.

    They have marched to the ballot-box in face of gleaming weapons, wounds and death. They have been abandoned by the Government and left to the laws of nature. So far as they are concerned, there is no Government or Constitution of the United States.

    They are under control of a foul, haggard and damning conspiracy against reason, law and constitution. How you can be indifferent, how any leading colored men can allow themselves to be silent in presence of this state of things we cannot see. . . .

   This is no question of party. It is a question of law and government. It is a question whether men shall be protected by law or be left to the mercy of cyclones of anarchy and bloodshed. It is whether the Government or the mob shall rule this land; whether the promises solemnly made to us in the Constitution be manfully kept or meanly and flagrantly broken. Upon this vital point we ask the whole people of the United States to take notice that whatever of political power we have shall be exerted for no man of any party who will not in advance of election promise to use every power given him by the Government, State or National, to make the black man's path to the ballot-box as straight, smooth and safe as that of any other American citizen....

    We hold it to be self-evident that no class or color should be the exclusive rulers of this country. If there is such a ruling class, there must of course be a subject class, and when this condition is once established this Government of the people, by the people and for the people,－will have perished from the earth.