亞伯拉罕‧林肯
(ABRAHAM LINCOLN)

第二任就職演說
Second Inaugural Address

我們對任何人都不懷惡意，我們對任何人都抱好感。上帝讓我們看到哪一邊是正確的，我們就堅信那是正確的一邊。讓我們繼續奮鬥，以完成我們正在進行的工作，去治療國家的創傷，去照顧艱苦作戰的戰士和他們的遺孀遺孤，盡一切努力實現並維護我們自己之間以及我國與他國之間的公正和持久的和平。

直至1864年夏末，林肯還沒想到他會在總統選舉中獲勝。他以為民主黨候選人喬治‧B‧麥克萊倫將贏得勝利。民主黨想結束這場戰爭，並準備通過談判放棄林肯對解放黑奴所承擔的義務以換取和平。然而，1864年秋，聯邦軍的節節勝利，尤其是攻陷了亞特蘭大，不但使戰局扭轉，而且也改變了總統選舉的投票結果。

1865年3月4日，林肯在華盛頓發表第二任就職演說。這是處於全盛時期的林肯：誠實，樸素，雄辯。他知道戰爭就要結束。他也知道現在應該是反省這個國家的痛苦經歷並展望未來的時候了。

在這第二任的就職宣誓典禮中，並不需要像第一任就職時那樣發表長篇演說。那時，對當時所要採取的方針政策多少作一些詳細說明，似乎是適當的。現在四年任期屆滿，在這期間於戰爭的每個重要時刻和階段──這場戰爭至今仍為舉國所關注、並且佔用了國家的大部分力量──我都經常發佈文告，所以現在也提不出什麼新的主張。我們的軍事進展，是一切其他問題的關鍵所在，大家對其情形和我一樣明瞭，而且我相信進展的情況可以使我們全體人民有理由感到滿意和鼓舞。既然將來很有希望，那麼我也無須在這方面作什麼預言了。

四年前，在與此相同的時刻，所有人的思想都焦慮地集中在一場即將來臨的內戰上。誰都害怕內戰，都想盡辦法去避免它。當我在這個地方作就職演說時，我曾想儘量不訴諸戰爭而保存聯邦，然而反叛分子的代理人卻設法在這個城市裏以不打仗的方式(推毀聯邦──他們力圖以談判的方式來瓦解聯邦，分享財物。雙方都聲稱反對戰爭，可是有一方寧願打仗而不願讓國家生存，另一方則寧可接受戰爭而不願讓國家滅亡，於是戰爭就來臨了。

我們全國人口的八分之一是黑奴，他們並不是遍佈於全國，而是局部地分佈於南方。這些奴隸形成一種特殊而重大的利益。大家都知道這種利益可說是這場戰爭的原因。為了加強、永久保持並擴大這種利益，反叛分子會不惜以戰爭來分裂聯邦，而政府只不過要限制這種利益的地區擴張。當初，任何一方都沒有想到戰爭會發展到目前這麼大的範圍，持續這麼長的時問，也沒有料到衝突的原因會隨衝突本身終止而終止，甚至會在衝突本身終止以前而終止。雙方都在尋求一個較輕易的勝利，都不期盼有什麼帶根本性的或驚人的結果。雙方都誦讀同樣的聖經，向同一個上帝祈禱，甚至每一方都祈求同一個上帝的幫助以反對另一方。人們竟敢要求公正的上帝來幫助他們奪取他人以血汗換來的麵包，這看來似乎很奇怪。可是，我們還是別評判人家，以免別人來評判我們。雙方的祈禱都無法如願，而且從沒全部如願以償。萬能的上帝自有他自己的意旨：「世界由於罪惡而受苦難，因為世界總是有罪惡的，然而那個作惡的人，要受苦難。」假如我們認為美國的奴隸制是這種罪惡之一，而這些罪惡按上帝的意志又在所不免，但既經持續了他所指定的一段時間，他現在便要消除這些罪惡。假如我們認為上帝把這場慘烈的戰爭加在南北雙方的頭上，作為對那些作惡的人的責罰，難道我們可以由此認為這有悖於虔奉上帝的信徒們所歸諸上帝的那些聖德嗎?我們殷切地希塑，熱忱地祈禱，但願這戰爭的重罰會很快過去。可是，假使上帝要讓戰爭再繼續下去，直到二百五十年來奴隸無償勞動所積聚的財富化為烏有，並像三千年前人們所說的那樣，直至被鞭苔所流的每一滴血為刀劍下流的每一滴血所償付為止，那麼，我也只好說：「主的裁判是完全正確而公道的。」

我們對任何人都不懷惡意，我們對任何人都抱好感。上帝讓我們看到哪一邊是正確的，我們就堅信那正確的一邊。讓我們繼續奮鬥，以完成我們正在進行的工作，去治療國家的創傷，去照顧艱苦作戰的戰士和他們的遺孀遺孤，盡一切努力實現並維護我們自己之間以及我國與他國之間的公正和持久的和平。

At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

    On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war－seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.

    One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."

     With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.