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丹尼爾‧韋伯斯特
(DANIEL WEBSTER)
反對州廢除聯邦法令的做法
Against Nullification
自由和聯邦是永存的，是不可分裂的整體。
丹尼爾。韋伯斯特(1782－1852)是作為他那個時代第一流的演說家而聞名的。作為代表麻塞諸塞州的參議員，他於1803年與南卡羅來納的參議員羅伯特‧Y‧海恩辯論關稅問題。海恩代表反對關稅法案的南方各州說話，他引用副總統約翰‧C‧卡爾洪關於州對聯邦的法令拒絕執行的理論，根據這個理論一個州可以「廢除」它認為不符合憲法的聯邦法律，如果必要，寧可退出聯邦也不接受就該州利益來說無法忍受的條件。韋伯斯特在他的反駁詞中捍衛了聯邦政府的權威，批評了州權利的觀念。以下摘錄的(摘自一百多頁的即席演說)是韋伯斯特回答海恩的演說的最後部分。
……如果人們在國家憲法中，不論是根據原來的條款或是後來的解釋，有什為不應當寫入的條款，人民知道如何把它廢除掉。如果確立了某種使他們無法接受的解釋，以致實際上成為憲法的一部分，他們是會獨立自主地來修正它的。但是，當人民決定保持它的現狀時，當人民對它感到滿意，並拒絕改變它時，誰曾給予，或者誰能給予州議會通過干預、解釋或其它辦法來改變它的權利？先生們似乎不記得人民有為他們自己做任何事情的權力。他們以為除了在州議會的密切保護下就再沒有安全可言了。先生，在總的憲法方面，人民並沒有把他們的安全委託給這些州議會。他們已要求了其他的保障，接受了其他的保證人。他們決定首先應該信賴憲法上明明白白的詞語，他們信賴這樣的解釋，即政府本身在有疑問的情況下，應當發揮其本身的權力，根據他們就職時所發的誓，服從他們宣過誓要負的責任，就像一個州的人民賦予他們州的政府同樣的權力一樣。其次，他們信賴經常選舉的效力，只要他們有理由，就可以用他們自己的力量將他們自己的僕人和代理人撤掉。第三，他們信賴司法的權力，為了使之值得信賴，他們已經使司法權成為既可實行又受人尊重、公正無私、獨立自主的權力。第四，任何時候，當經驗指出憲法中的缺點和不完善之處時，在必要情況下，或利害攸關時，他們會依靠他們所知道的並認為是有效的權力和平而平靜地去改變或修正憲法，如果他們認為這樣做是合適的話。最後，美國人民從來沒有在任何時候，以任何方式，直接或間接地授權州議會來分析或解釋他們政府的最重要文件，更沒有授權他們用他們自己的權力去干預和妨礙憲法的正常實施。
先生，如果人民在這些方面採取了其他的做法，而不是像他們已經做的這樣，那麼，他們的憲法既不可能得到保存，也不會是值得保存的。如果現在不顧憲法中明文規定的條款，而添進這些新的主張，那麼憲法就會變成其早期的或更近代的敵人所可能期望的那樣軟弱無能的東西。它只能作為一個依賴各州許可的可憐蟲在各州存在。它必須借人家許可而存在，並且存在的時間不會長於各州憑他們高興或由他們隨意決定是否適合恩准並延長其苟延殘喘的時間。
但是，先生，儘管存在著憂患，可也存在著希望，人民已經將這個憲法，這個他們自己選擇的憲法保存了四十年，他們已經看到他們的幸福、繁榮和名聲隨著它的發展而增長，隨著它的加強而加強。總的來說，他們現在都強烈地依附於憲法。如果我們和那些將要在這裏接我們班的人，作為人民的代理人和代表，能自覺地、警惕地完成公眾委託給我們的兩個偉大任務、即忠實地保護憲法，明智地執行憲法，那麼，用直接進攻就無法推翻它，要迴避它、破壞它、廢除它，也將是不可能的……
先生，我還沒允許我自己朝聯邦以外去看，看看在後面的黑暗深處可能隱藏著什麼。我還沒有冷靜地估量過在把我們聯合在一起的那些契約被撕碎之後，保護自由的機會有多少。我還不習慣於掛在分裂的懸崖，去看看是否可以用我短淺的目光量出底下的深淵有多深，我也不可能把那種思想裏考慮的主要不是聯邦應該如何得到最好的保護，而是在聯邦被分裂和摧毀時，人民可能容忍到什麼程度的人當作政府事務的可靠顧問。只要聯邦繼續存在，我們就能在我們自己和孩子們面前展現出美好高尚、激動人心、令人滿意的前景。除了這種前景，我不想刺破這層薄紗去看看別的什麼。上帝恩准至少在我有生之年不要讓那塊簾升起！上帝恩准那隱藏在背後的東西永遠不要讓我看見！當我的眼睛轉過來最後看一眼天上的太陽時，但願我不要看到它照耀在曾是一個光榮聯邦的破裂而且可恥的碎片上，照耀在彼此傷害、矛盾不和、互相交戰的各州的土地上，照耀在一片為人們的仇恨所撕碎的土地上，或是一片浸染著兄弟同胞之血的土地上！讓他們最後微弱而依戀的目光看到共和國光輝的旗幟，這面旗現在聞名全球，受人尊重，它仍然高高昇起，它的每一條條紋和每一顆星仍然以原來的光彩飄揚著，沒有一根條紋被抹去或污染，沒有一顆星失去光澤，為了它的信條，它無法容忍像「這到底有何價值」這樣可恥的疑問句，也不能容忍像「先自由，後聯邦」這樣欺世和愚蠢的話。當星星和條紋飄過大海，越過大陸時，當它們在整個天底下每一陣風裏飄揚的時候，那些充滿生命光輝的星星，在寬闊的褶皺裏閃爍著，把另一種情感傳遍世界的每一個地方，這就是每一個真正的美國人都十分珍惜的情感──自由相聯邦是永存的，是不可分裂的整體！
Against Nullification
……If anything
be found in the national constitution, either by original provision or
subsequent interpretation, which ought not to be in it, the people know how to
get rid of it. If any construction be established unacceptable to them, so as to
become practically a part of the constitution, they will amend it, at their own
sovereign pleasure. But while the people choose to maintain it as it is, while
they are satisfied with it, and refuse to change it, who has given, or who can
give, to the state legislatures a right to alter it, either by interference,
construction, or otherwise? Gentlemen do not seem to recollect that the people
have any power to do anything for themselves. They imagine there is no safety
for them, any longer than they are under the close guardianship of the state
legislatures. Sir, the people have not trusted their safety, in regard to the
general constitution, to these hands. They have required other security,
and taken other bonds. They have chosen to trust themselves, first, to the plain
words of the instrument, and to such construction as the government itself, in
doubtful cases, should put on its own powers, and under their oaths of
office, and subject to their responsibility to them; just as the people of a
state trust their own state government with a similar power. Secondly, they have
reposed their trust in the efficacy of frequent elections, and in their own
power to remove their own servants and agents whenever they see cause. Thirdly,
they have reposed trust in the judicial power, which, in order that it might be
trustworthy, they have made as respectable, as disinterested, and as
independent as was practicable. Fourthly, they have seen fit to rely, in case of
necessity, or high expediency, on their known and admitted power to alter or
amend the constitution, peaceably and quietly, whenever experience shall point
out defects or imperfections. And, finally, the people of the United States have
at no time, in no way, directly or indirectly, authorized any state legislature
to construe or interpret their high instrument of government; much less, to
interfere, by their own power, to arrest its course and operation.
If, sir,
the people in these respects had done otherwise than they have done, their
constitution could neither have been preserved, nor would it have been worth
preserving. And if its plain provisions shall now be disregarded, and these new
doctrines interpolated in it, it will become as feeble and helpless a being as
its enemies, whether early or more recent, could possibly desire. It will exist
in every state but as a poor dependent on state permission. It must borrow leave
to be; and will be, no longer than state pleasure, or state discretion, sees fit
to grant the indulgence, and prolong its poor existence.
But, sir,
although there are fears, there are hopes also. The people have preserved
this, their own chosen constitution, for forty years, and have seen their
happiness, prosperity, and renown grow with its growth, and strengthen with its
strength. They are now, generally, strongly attached to it. Overthrown by
direct assault, it cannot be; evaded, undermined, NULLIFIED, it will not be, if
we, and those who shall succeed us here, as agents and representatives of the
people, shall conscientiously and vigilantly discharge the two great branches of
our public trust, faithfully to preserve, and wisely to administer it. . . .
I have
not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the Union, to see what might lie hidden
in the dark recess behind. I have not coolly weighed the chances of preserving
liberty when the bonds that unite us together shall be broken asunder. I have
not accustomed myself to hang over the precipice of disunion, to see
whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss below; nor
could I regard him as a safe counselor in the affairs of this government, whose
thoughts should be mainly bent on considering, not how the Union should be best
preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of the people when it shall
be broken up and destroyed. While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting,
gratifying prospects spread out before us, for us and our children. Beyond that
I seek not to penetrate the vail. God grant that in my day, at least, that
curtain may not rise! God grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies
behind! When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in
heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a
once glorious Union; on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land
rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood! Let
their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the
republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced,
its arms and trophies streaming in their original luster, not a stripe erased
or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its motto, no such
miserable interrogatory as "What is all this worth?" nor those other words of
delusion and folly, "Liberty first and Union afterwards;" but everywhere, spread
all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they
float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens,
that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart--Liberty and Union, now
and forever, one and inseparable!
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