弗朗西絲‧賴特
(FRANCES WRIGHT)

美國愛國主義的意義
The Meaning of Patriotism in America

讓我們作為成人，而不是作為小孩，作為人類，而不是作為美國人，作為通情達理的人，而不是作為孤陋寡聞的人來歡慶這個日子。

自美國革命以後的許多年裏，在7月4日發表演說習慣上一直是一種榮譽，而且通常是請德高望重的人來道出社區的意見。1828年7月4日，弗朗西絲 (範妮)‧賴特發表這篇可能是第一次由一位婦女作的獨立日演說。賴特(1795－1852)是一位孜孜不倦的社會改革家，她在宗教、婚姻、計劃生育、奴隸制和婦女權利的問題上都持有進步觀點。她生於蘇格蘭，1818年第一次到美國訪問，還寫了一本有關她廣泛旅行的書。1824年，她與參加美國革命的法國英雄拉斐德侯爵一起回到美國，並決定在美國定居。

1825年，她在田納西州購置土地，然後買些奴隸，給他們自由，並為這些前奴隸創建了一個公社。在她的公社失敗之後，她就搬到印地安納州的哈莫尼，加入羅伯特‧戴爾‧歐文的實驗社會主義公社。1829年，賴特和歐文到紐約市定居，在那裏共同建立激進的《自由問詢報》。她後來成為著名的演說家和作家。

……當我們正確地把1776年7月4日以來的人類歷史確定為新時代時，如果我們能在每一週年檢查一下我們人類在公正的知識和公正的實踐方面所取得的進步，那就是很好的，也就是說，是很有益的。這樣，每一個7月4日就會成為時間洪流的潮標，根據這個潮標就可確定人類智力的進步，根據它就可記下每一次接連發生的錯誤的起落，每一個重要真理的發現，以及公共機構，社會安排，尤其是我們道德感情和精神觀念的逐步改善……

近年來，在歐洲大陸，像愛國主義和愛國者這種詞已經被用在更廣的意義上，比在這裏通常所賦予這些詞的意義或比在大不列顛所賦予它們的意義要廣。自從法國、義大利、西班牙和希臘相繼出現政治鬥爭以來，整個歐洲大陸都在使用愛國主義這個詞來表達對公益事業的熱愛，表達對多數人利益的興趣勝於對少數人利益的興趣，表達人類要從宗教和政府的專制奴役下得到解放的渴望，總之，愛國主義這個詞與其說是用來表達某一國家，或者某一具體國家的居民所感興趣的東西，倒不如說是用來表達全人類所感興趣的東西。同樣地，愛國者這個詞是用來表示熱愛人類自由和人類改善的人，而不是表示一個僅熱愛他生活的國家，或者他所屬的那個族群的人。用在這個意義上，愛國主義就是一種美德，愛國者就是一個道德高尚的人。以此理解，一個愛國者就是社會裏一個有用的成員，他能夠開闊他所遇到的所有人的思路，改善他所接觸到的所有人的心情。一個愛國者應該是人類大家庭裏的一個有用的成員，他能夠確立基本的原則，而且能把他自己的利益、他同伴的利益和他的國家利益融合在人類的利益之中。桂冠和雕像是虛無的東西，而且由於它們很幼稚，所以是有害的。但是，我們能否假定它們是有用的，人們會不會以某種理由將它們單單授予這樣的一個愛國者……

如果我們最後考慮的這種愛國主義有可能在某一國家裏獲得，那麼當然是在這個國家裏，在這個萬國之鄉的國家裏，在這個國家公民的血管裏，地球上所有民族的血都在他們的血管裏流著。就其獨自的意思而言，愛國主義這個詞肯定不是為美國造的。如果它在各處都有害，那麼在這裏就是既有害又荒唐。人之初是反對它的。各種制度的原則對它是不利的。我們正在慶祝的這個日子是反對它的。特別是美國人應孕育出一種更高尚的情操，一種與他們的起源更一致，更有助於他們未來改善的情操。特別是美國人應當知道他們為什麼熱愛自己的國家，應當感到他們熱愛自己的國家，不是因為這是他們的國家，而是因為這是人類自由的保障，是人類改善的好景象。尤其是美國人，應當檢查一下他們的制度，應當感到他們為這些制度而自豪是因為它們是以公正的原則為基礎的。尤其是美國人，應當檢查一下他們的制度，因為他們有改善它們的手段，應當檢查一下他們的法律，因為他們能隨意改變它們。他們應當撇開奢華，他們的財富在於勤奮；他們應當撇開無益的炫耀，他們的力量在於知識；他們應當撇開野心勃勃出人頭地的想法，他們的原則應當是平等。他們不應當休息，不應當滿足於言語，他們應當幹點實事，他們應當記住平等指的不是僅僅政治權利的平等，不管它有多寶貴，而是指教育的平等和道德的平等，要記住自由指的不是僅在選舉時投票，而是自由無畏地運用智力，是那種從經過推理的意見和始終如一的實踐中進發出來的鎮靜自若。他們應當以原則為榮而不是以人為榮，紀念事件而不是紀念日子，在他們高興的時候，應當知道為什麼高興，應當僅僅為過去和現在為人類帶來和平和幸福的事而高興。我們今天所紀念的事件已經在相當程度上取得這兩者，而且在人類改善的進程中將取得比我們現在能想像到的更多。為此──為我們人類已經獲得的和即將獲得的好處，讓我們歡欣鼓舞吧！但是，讓我們作為成人，而不是作為小孩，作為人類，而不是作為美國人，作為通情達理的人，而不是作為孤陋寡聞的人來歡慶這個日子。那麼，我們是否應當為美好的目的和美好的感情而高興，我們是否應當改善曾經在今天所取得的勝利，直至全人類都能和我們共同歡慶獨立為止。

The Meaning of Patriotism in America

. . . . Dating, as we justly may. a new era in the history of man from the Fourth of July, 1776, it would be well--that is, it would be useful--if  on each anniversary we examined the progress made by our species in just knowledge and just practice. Each Fourth of July would then stand as a tidemark in the flood of time by which to ascertain the advance of the human intellect, by which to note the rise and fall of each successive error, the discovery of each important truth, the gradual melioration in our public institutions, social arrangements, and, above all, in our moral feelings and mental views. . . .

    In continental Europe, of late years, the words patriotism and patriot have been used in a more enlarged sense than it is usual here to attribute to them, or than is attached to them in Great Britain. Since the political struggles of France, Italy, Spain, and Greece, the word patriotism has been employed, throughout continental Europe, to express a love of the public good; a preference for the interests of the many to those of the few, a desire for the emancipation of the human race from the thrall of despotism, religious and civil: in short, patriotism there is used rather to express the interest felt in the human race in general than that felt for any country, or inhabitants of a country, in particular. And patriot, in like manner, is employed to signify a lover of human liberty and human improvement rather than a mere lover of the country in which he lives, or the tribe to which he belongs. Used in this sense, patriotism is a virtue, and a patriot a virtuous man. With such an interpretation, a patriot is a useful member of society, capable of enlarging all minds and bettering all hearts with which he comes in contact; a useful member of the human family, capable of establishing fundamental principles and of merging his own interests, those of his associates, and those of his nation in the interests of the human race. Laurels and statues are vain things, and mischievous as they are childish; but could we imagine them of use, on such a patriot alone could they be with any reason bestowed....

    If such a patriotism as we have last considered should seem likely to obtain in any country, it should be certainly in this. In this which is truly the home of all nations and in the veins of whose citizens flows the blood of every people on the globe. Patriotism, in the exclusive meaning, is surely not made for America. Mischievous everywhere, it were here both mischievous and absurd. The very origin of the people is opposed to it. The institutions, in their principle, militate against it. The day we are celebrating protests against it. It is for Americans, more especially, to nourish a nobler sentiment; one more consistent with their origin, and more conducive to their future improvement. It is for them more especially to know why they love their country; and to feel that they love it, not because it is their country, but because it is the palladium of human liberty--the favored scene of human improvement. It is for them, more especially, to examine their institutions; and to feel that they honor them because they are bused on just principles. It is for them, more especially, to examine their institutions, because they have the means of improving them; to examine their laws, because at will they can alter them. It is for them to lay aside luxury whose wealth is in industry; idle parade whose strength is in knowledge; ambitious distinctions whose principle is equality. It is for them not to rest, satisfied with words, who can seize upon things; and to remember that equality means, not the mere equality of political rights, however valuable, but equality of instruction and equality in virtue; and that liberty means, not the mere voting at elections, but the free and fearless exercise of the mental faculties and that self-possession which springs out of well-reasoned opinions and consistent practice. It is for them to honor principles rather than men--to commemorate events rather than days; when they rejoice, to know for what they rejoice, and to rejoice only for what has brought and what brings peace and happiness to men. The event we commemorate this day has procured much of both, and shall procure in the onward course of human improvement more than we can now conceive of. For this--for the good obtained and yet in store for our race--let us rejoice! But let us rejoice as men, not as children--as human beings rather than as Americans--as reasoning beings, not as ignorants. So shall we rejoice to good purpose and in good feeling; so shall we improve the victory once on this day achieved, until all mankind hold with us the Jubilee of Independence.